Sunday, November 27, 2005

Gorilla Radio for Monday, November 28th, 2005

This week, NYC-based author and activist, Mickey Z. and 50 American Revolutions You're Not Supposed to Know About.

And; Canadian Action Party Leader, Connie Fogal and the disappearing of Canada.

And; Janine Bandcroft bringing us up to speed on all that's good to do in and around Victoria this week.

Chris Cook hosts Gorilla Radio, airing live every Monday, 5-6pm Pacific Time. In Victoria at 101.9FM, 104.3 cable, and on the internet at: http://cfuv.uvic.ca He also serves as a contributing editor at the progressive web news site: http://www.pej.org.

You can check out the GR blog at: http://GorillaRadioBlog.blogspot.com




Gorilla Radio for Monday,
November 28, 2005
C. L. Cook


PEJ News
November 27, 2005

The time for revolution is now! In fact, the time for revolution is always now, and has always been. But some revolutions just don’t get the press they deserve. Mickey Z. is a New York City-based activist and author whose books include: The Seven Deadly Spins, A Gigantic Mistake: Articles and Essays for Your Intellectual Self-Defence, and The Murdering of My Years. His latest, 50 American Revolutions You’re Not Supposed to Know: Reclaiming American Patriotism is now at a bookstore near you. Mickey Z. and the next American Revolution in the first half.

And; there’s another revolution going on, right here in Canada. Through stealth and backroom wheeling and dealing, the country known as Canada is being dismantled by business leaders and their allies in government. And, their plans for an end to the nation are very near fruition. Connie Fogal is the leader of the Canadian Action Party and she’s leading a charge to make known to Canadians what’s quietly unfolding in the panelled halls of Ottawa and boardrooms of Toronto. Connie Fogal and the disappearing of a nation in the second half.

And; Janine Bandcroft will be here to bring us up to speed on all that’s good to do in and around Victoria this week.


G-Radio is dedicated to social justice, the environment, community, and providing a forum for people and issues not covered in the mainstream media.

Some past guests include: M. Junaid Alam, Joel Bakan, Maude Barlow, David Barsamian, William Blum, Luciana Bohne, Vincent Bugliosi, Helen Caldicott, Noam Chomsky, Michel Chossudovsky, Diane Christian, Juan Cole, David Cromwell, Jon Elmer, Reese Erlich, Anthony Fenton, Jim Fetzer, Laura Flanders, Chris Floyd, Susan George, Stan Goff, Robert Greenwald, Denis Halliday, Chris Hedges, Sander Hicks, Julia Butterfly Hill, Robert Jensen, Dahr Jamail, Diana Johnstone, Kathy Kelly, Naomi Klein, Anthony Lappe, Frances Moore Lappe, Dave Lindorff, Jim Lobe, Jennifer Loewenstein, Wayne Madsen, Stephen Marshall, Linda McQuaig, George Monbiot, Loretta Napoleoni, John Nichols, Kurt Nimmo, Greg Palast, Michael Parenti, William Rivers Pitt, Sheldon Rampton, Paul Craig Roberts, Paul de Rooij, John Ross, Danny Schechter, Vandana Shiva, Norman Solomon, Starhawk, Grant Wakefield, Paul Watson, Bernard Weiner, Mickey Z., Dave Zirin, and many others.


Stay informed. Subscribe and get the best of PEJ News by email. Free.

Friday, November 25, 2005

Black Prodigal: Conrad Wants to Come Home


PEJ News - C. L. Cook - Facing an imminent court date in the United States for multiple counts of fraud, former Canadian media magnate, Conrad Black is now applying to regain the citizenship he so flamboyantly discarded en route to his peerage in the U.K.

www.pej.org


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media.canada.com/cp/national/20051125/n112550a.jpg

Black Prodigal:
Conrad Wants to Come Home
C. L. Cook

PEJ News
November 25, 2005

Karma Balls, Served Fresh

Despite their reputation for compassion and fair play, few if any Canadians are shedding tears of concern for the further embattled Lord Black. The trials of the man who would be, if not King, at least Lord of Blackharbour, who not only forsook his home and native land, but shat upon the weenie-headed peon citizenry of an entire country on his way to the hallowed halls of the British House of Lords, is more an occasion for celebration, a welcome schadenfreude, a cheery interlude to brighten the overlong northern winters all those sucker-Canucks grand Conrad left long behind to endure.

Just a few short years ago, the media baron was flying high and his only remaining hurdle to equalling, in his own mind at least, the accomplishments of a Canadian press legend of another era, Lord Beaverbrook, was a British title. Black's megalithic, Hollinger Inc., one of the planet's biggest circulation media company, pulling in hundreds of millions a year seemed unassailable, his own position at the head of the board irreproachable. So, when Canada's then Prime Minister, no doubt nothing more than a cretin frog to the imperious Conrad, blocked his ambitions of a peerage citing an ancient law forbidding Canadian citizens hold British titles, the Lord to be burned his passport, searing the entire nation for good measure on his departure.

Canada's collective joy at the rumoured fall of the house of Black began modestly, just a flicker of hope, a spark of scandal, too bold yet to hope kindling enough to light a pyre under the peerless Conrad's meteoric career. The bombastic Mr. Black had lorded over Canadians from his media throne for decades, hobnobbing with the princes and potentates of global politically and financial power so Canadians can be forgiven their conservatism if they believed it unlikely the behemoth at the head of Hollinger could be brought low by as blunt a tool as the law of the land. And, had it been a strictly Canadian affair, Black would probably be home-free. But the apparent transgressions leaping from Hollinger's ledgers are a matter of concern to American justice too.

Bringing Down the Moose

Tragedy, in the theatrical sense, requires irony and timing: "If not for the ... all would have been different." And so it is with Conrad, who had the misfortune to have his scene of the crime fall under the purview of the United States Attorney for Northern Illinois, Patrick Fitzgerald. That's the same Patrick "Bulldog" Fitzgerald currently giving the Bush administration a prolonged case of loose-bowel syndrome with his Grand Jury investigation into the disclosure of the secret identity of a deep-cover CIA agent. Fitzgerald is big enough to deal with one Conrad. And, he's got a lot to work with.

Britain's Guardian provides a stunning time-line, listing some of the areas of concern for the court, including the ultra-lavish lifestyle Lord and Lady Black enjoyed, allegedly at the expense of Hollinger International's shareholders. It seems few too cry for Conrad on the other side of the Atlantic.


The Crux of the Matter

Improprieties it seems with the way money was being spread around the publicly-traded Hollinger. Accounting problems were showing up and audits ordered by the company's board of directors. And, as the Romans would say if they were as monumental as the Man Himself, "All roads lead to Conrad." Or so the board surmised before unceremoniously turfing the founding director and filing a massive law suit suing for hundreds of millions they contend pilfered from the company over a period of years by Black and his accomplices.

The wheels came off for Conrad when long-time confidant and business partner F. David Radner, named as a co-conspirator, copped a plea with Fitzgerald's investigation. Radner, facing up to 30 years and hundreds of thousands of dollars in fines took the expedient root and now, Black is on the hook, looking at real jail time in the States. Thus, cynics aver, his suddenly renewed enamour with Canada and its "liberal" judicial system; a system his papers oft criticized in the past for its bleeding heart.

But, in one of those queer turns of the Fates, Canada's recent efforts to more closely emulate less "wet" neighbour America, new legislation barring the granting citizenship to those convicted in foreign jurisdictions, Black may find himself out of luck should he be convicted.

For those that believe he hopes to garner again his Canadian identity to then serve his sentence in the country where he enjoyed vast political sway, the proposed law would prove a Catch 22 for the Lord of Blackharbour.




Chris Cook
is a contributing editor to PEJ News. He also hosts Gorilla Radio, a weekly pubic affairs program, broad/webcast from the University of Victoria, Canada. You can check out the GR Blog here.





Stay informed. Subscribe and get the best of PEJ News by email. Free.

Information Revolution: Freeing Subjugated Knowledge


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Mainstream journalism is the voice of rampant power


By John Pilger


11/25/05 "
ICH" -- -- The Indian writer Vandana Shiva has called for an "insurrection of subjugated knowledge." The insurrection is well under way. In trying to make sense of a dangerous world, millions of people are turning away from the traditional sources of news and information and to the World Wide Web, convinced that mainstream journalism is the voice of rampant power. The great scandal of Iraq has accelerated this. In the United States, several senior broadcasters have confessed that had they challenged and exposed the lies told about Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, instead of amplifying and justifying them, the invasion might not have happened.

Such honesty has yet to cross the Atlantic. Since it was founded in 1922, the BBC has served to protect every British establishment during war and civil unrest. "We" never traduce and never commit great crimes. So the omission of shocking events in Iraq – the destruction of cities, the slaughter of innocent people, and the farce of a puppet government – is routinely applied. A study by the Cardiff School of Journalism found that 90 per cent of the BBC's references to Saddam Hussein's WMD suggested he possessed them and that "spin from the British and U.S. governments was successful in framing the coverage." The same "spin" has ensured, until now, that the use of banned weapons by the Americans and British in Iraq has been suppressed as news.

An admission by the U.S. State Department on Nov. 10 that its forces had used white phosphorus in Fallujah followed "rumors on the Internet," according to the BBC's Newsnight. There were no rumors. There was first-class investigative work that ought to shame well-paid journalists. Mark Kraft of www.Insomnia.LiveJournal.comfound the evidence in the March-April 2005 issue of Field Artillery magazine and other sources. He was supported by the work of filmmaker Gabriele Zamparini, founder of the excellent site www.TheCatsDream.com.

Last May, David Edwards and David Cromwell of MediaLens.org posted a revealing correspondence with Helen Boaden, the BBC's director of news. They had asked her why the BBC had remained silent on known atrocities committed by the Americans in Fallujah. She replied, "Our correspondent in Fallujah at the time [of the U.S. attack], Paul Wood, did not report any of these things because he did not see any of these things." It is a statement to savor. Wood was "embedded" with the Americans. He interviewed none of the victims of American atrocities nor unembedded journalists. He not only missed the Americans' use of white phosphorus, which they now admit, he reported nothing of the use of another banned weapon, napalm. Thus, BBC viewers were unaware of the fine words of Col. James Alles, commander of the U.S. Marine Air Group II. "We napalmed both those bridge approaches," he said. "Unfortunately, there were people there … you could see them in the cockpit video. … It's no great way to die. The generals love napalm. It has a big psychological effect."

Once the unacknowledged work of Mark Kraft and Gabriele Zamparini had appeared in the Guardian and Independent and forced the Americans to come clean about white phosphorous, Wood was on Newsnight describing their admission as "a public relations disaster for the U.S." This echoed Menzies Campbell of the Liberal Democrats, perhaps the most quoted politician since Gladstone, who said, "The use of this weapon may technically have been legal, but its effects are such that it will hand a propaganda victory to the insurgency."

The BBC and most of the British political and media establishment invariably cast such a horror as a public relations problem while minimizing the crushing of a city the size of Leeds, the killing and maiming of countless men, women, and children, the expulsion of thousands and the denial of medical supplies, food, and water – a major war crime.

The evidence is voluminous, provided by refugees, doctors, human rights groups, and a few courageous foreigners whose work appears only on the Internet. In April last year, Jo Wilding, a young British law student, filed a series of extraordinary eyewitness reports from inside the city. So fine are they I have included one of her pieces in an anthology of the best investigative journalism. Her film, A Letter to the Prime Minister, made inside Fallujah with Julia Guest, has not been shown on British television. In addition, Dahr Jamail, an independent Lebanese-American journalist who has produced some of the best front-line reporting I have read, described all the "things" the BBC failed to "see." His interviews with doctors, local officials, and families are on the Internet, together with the work of those who have exposed the widespread use of uranium-tipped shells, another banned weapon, and cluster bombs, which Campbell would say are "technically legal." Try these Web sites: www.DahrJamailIraq.com, www.ZMag.org, www.Antiwar.com, www.Truthout.org, www.InformationClearingHouse.info, www.Counterpunch.org, www.VoicesUK.org. There are many more.

"Each word," wrote Jean-Paul Sartre, "has an echo. So does each silence."

"Tell Me No Lies: investigative journalism and its triumphs", edited by John Pilger, is published by Vintage.

This article was first published in the New Statesman - www.newstatesman.co.uk

Copyright John Pilger http://www.johnpilger.com/

Sunday, November 20, 2005

Gorilla Radio for Monday, November 21st, 2005

This week, journalist and author, Lila Rajiva and atrocious conquest.

Jean St. Vil
and Haiti, Canada's first Coup d'Etat

and Janine Bandcroft bringing us up to speed with all the good things to do in and around Victoria this week.

Chris Cook hosts Gorilla Radio, airing live every Monday, 5-6pm Pacific Time. In Victoria at 101.9FM, 104.3 cable, and on the internet at: http://cfuv.uvic.ca He also serves as a contributing editor at the progressive web news site: http://www.pej.org.

You can check out the GR blog at: http://GorillaRadioBlog.blogspot.com



Gorilla Radio for Monday,
November 21st, 2005


There can now be left no doubt, America is today history’s grossest defiler of humanity. There need be no more allusions to Adolf Hitler and Nazi Germany, as atrocity goes, with the recent admissions of the deployment of White Phosphorous in its attack on the Iraqi city of Fallujah, the Bush administration is breaking new ground and guaranteeing it will survive into the future as a cautionary benchmark against which all other atrociousness will be compared.

And what’s worse, fully half of the Americans polled by the Pew Research Center, say they approve of Mr. Bush’s torture policies against suspected terrorists. This after Abu Ghraib and Bagram, and Guantanamo, and the horrors of Afghanistan.

Lila Rajiva is a Baltimore-based freelance journalist and author of ‘The Language of Empire: Abu Ghraib and the American Media.’ Lila Rajiva and atrocious conquest in the first half.

And; Though hardly in the same league as its southern neighbour, Canada too has imperial ambitions.

In April 2004, the tripartite coalition of Canada, France, and the United States conspired to take Haiti. Haiti’s populist President, Jean-Bertrand Aristide was kidnapped and spirited out of the country, his reformist government annulled. Now, following more than a year and half of near chaos in Haiti, long promised federal elections are due.

Jean St. Vil is a Canadian journalist and founding member of the Canada Haiti Action Network. He’ll be appearing here at UVic later this week for the symposium, ‘Why Haiti? The Ottawa Initiative or Canada’s First Coup d’Etat’ and to present the film ‘Aristide and the Endless Revolution.’ Jean St. Vil and Canada’s imperial ambition in the second half.

And; Janine Bandcroft will be here at the bottom of the hour to bring us up to speed with all that’s good to do in and around Victoria this week. But first, Lila Rajiva and America the Atrocious.



G-Radio is dedicated to social justice, the environment, community, and providing a forum for people and issues not covered in the mainstream media.

Some past guests include: M. Junaid Alam, Joel Bakan, Maude Barlow, David Barsamian, William Blum, Luciana Bohne, Vincent Bugliosi, Helen Caldicott, Noam Chomsky, Michel Chossudovsky, Diane Christian, Juan Cole, David Cromwell, Jon Elmer, Reese Erlich, Anthony Fenton, Jim Fetzer, Laura Flanders, Chris Floyd, Susan George, Stan Goff, Robert Greenwald, Denis Halliday, Chris Hedges, Sander Hicks, Julia Butterfly Hill, Robert Jensen, Dahr Jamail, Diana Johnstone, Kathy Kelly, Naomi Klein, Anthony Lappe, Frances Moore Lappe, Dave Lindorff, Jim Lobe, Jennifer Loewenstein, Wayne Madsen, Stephen Marshall, Linda McQuaig, George Monbiot, Loretta Napoleoni, John Nichols, Kurt Nimmo, Greg Palast, Michael Parenti, William Rivers Pitt, Sheldon Rampton, Paul Craig Roberts, Paul de Rooij, John Ross, Danny Schechter, Vandana Shiva, Norman Solomon, Starhawk, Grant Wakefield, Paul Watson, Bernard Weiner, Mickey Z., Dave Zirin, and many others.


Stay informed. Subscribe and get the best of PEJ News by email. Free.

Saturday, November 19, 2005

Cousin Crow: Goin' South

PEJ News - C. L. Cook - As family, I have to say it: "Cousin, you've got a problem."

www.pej.orgFoghorn Leghorn in Foghorn Leghorn.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foghorn_Leghorn

Cousin Crow: Goin' South

C. L. Cook

PEJ News
Novermber 19, 2005

The black birds come a-perch on the eaves, turning an ear to my Tom Waits tape. Peering, ever cautious, my feathered relatives cock a head and look, in what I swear is an askance attitude, seemingly questioning Ape's sanity.



Likewise, perched on the 49th parallel, I peer at you, your northern cousin America, and wonder at your state of mind.

Tom sings: "We've just got to keep the Devil down in the hole."

Look: I know your skin thin, and don't get me wrong, I'm not being critical unnecessarily, but I think there's something you're missing here. I've been more or less quiet; the Cuba, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Chile, Salvador, Timor, Nicaragua, Grenada, Panama, Haiti, Iraq, Yugoslavia, etc. thing has been a bit much, but now as you lap yourself with Iraq II, I feel something has to be said.

Please, stop.



Chris Cook
is a contributing editor to PEJ.org. He also hosts Gorilla Radio, broad/webcast from CFUV Radio, at the University of Victoria, Canada. Check out the GR Blog here.

Friday, November 18, 2005

History Not Dead, Just Smells Bad

PEJ News - C. L. Cook - A Hooded man, standing on a box, arms splayed crucifix-style, wires dangling from his extremities... Here we are. Nearly five years into it; five astonishing years, a cascade of unprecedented malfeasance and moral turpitude. Five years that's left America's facade cracked. The 'Bastion of Democracy,' survivor of revolution, depressions, World and Cold Wars, now stands guilty before the world a pariah; a committer of crimes so stark they dare'nt be mentioned for fear of the global repercussions. But, their's no escape for one of the history-denying authors of the current disaster threatening humanity, History's grim ghosts gather round him like a shroud.

www.pej.org


History Not Dead, Just Smells Bad
C. L. Cook

PEJ News
November 16, 2005

Reagan's Evil Empire had fallen. Many uttered platitudes to the "peace dividend." George Bush I talked of a new world order of compassion and cooperation, while the then-unknown men inhabiting the periphery espoused the belief that "history is dead," a eupemistic allusion to America's singular Ascension and its proper place at the head of the global table. There in George the First's court, the nascent Dick Cheney plied and plotted his way to the apex of power.

At least, that's the platter he's being presented to the public upon; served up, as a last supper in hopes to assuage a suddenly slavering press, hungry for corruption and eyeing a Pennsylvania Avenue main course, a meal almost certain. Do a Google on "Cheney" tonight and you'll see the first steps of Dick Cheney's political Danse Macabre.


Smoke Screens

Of course, in Mr. Cheney's case, the evidence of an unrestrained campaign of murder, torture, and ignominious disregard for humanity is unprecedented, if not for its blatant barbarity, for its sheer scale. The current Outrage de Jour over Whiskey Pete, aka Willy Pete, and properly, White Phosperous (WP) is at this hour being debated and defined and considered in legal frameworks on T.V. A little lost is the fact, admitted by the military itself, the use of this grotesque chemical weapon against towns in Iraq, is a crime recognized as such and clearly defined in international jurisprudence.

Hundreds of thousands dead. Cultural devastation and environmental destruction whose effects will be felt forever, and the employment of weapons no tyrant in the world's history possessed: These are the sins of the great fiasco writ opaquely; the details within this vague campaign contain litanies of casual moral digressions, any single case examination of which would surely sicken most good tax-paying Americans.

Cheney's overdue debut on the sarificial altar will provide weeks of diversion; time George II must be finding running short, as scandal and litigation multiply, engulfing many of his closest associates. If Bush can no longer assure his collaborators the presidency will survive long enough to dish out pardons, he knows canaries will sing and he'll sink. Another Nixon.

History seems now, like a spurned partner turning all its irony on they who would deny it. Cheney will be first to fall, but he's no Agnew. Something about Dick's weak heart and subterranean proclivities, brings more to mind erstwhile CIA head during, William Casey the corpse of convenience when Iran-Contra closed in on another Bush presidency.



Chris Cook
is a contributing editor to PEJ News. He also host Gorilla Radio, a weekly public affairs program, broad/webcast from the University of Victoria, Canada. You can check out the GR Blog here.


Stay informed. Subscribe and get the best of PEJ News by email. Free.

Sunday, November 13, 2005

Gorilla Radio for Monday, November 14th, 2005

Gorilla Radio for Monday, November 14th, 2005

Italian economist and writer, Loretta Napoleoni on "Islams Zorro" Abu Musab al Zarqawi, reputed leader of th 'al Qaeda in Iraq' terror organization.

Jon Elmer from Occupied Palestine

And, Janine Bandcroft bringing us up to speed on goings on in and around Victoria this week.


Chris Cook hosts Gorilla Radio, airing live every Monday, 5-6pm Pacific Time. In Victoria at 101.9FM, 104.3 cable, and on the internet at: http://cfuv.uvic.ca He also serves as a contributing editor at the progressive web news site: http://www.pej.org.

You can check out the GR blog at: http://GorillaRadioBlog.blogspot.com



Gorilla Radio for Monday,
November 14th, 2005
Chris Cook

PEJ News
November 13, 2005


Last week’s hotel bombings in Amman, Jordan has again focussed international attention on reputed terror king-pin, Abu Musab al Zarqawi and his elusive organization, the so-called al Qaeda in Iraq.

Loretta Napoleoni is an Italian economist and writer specializing in terrorist financing. She’s the author of several books, including ‘Terror Incorporated: Tracing the Dollars Behind the Terror Networks,’ and the recently released, ‘Insurgent Iraq: Al Zarqawi and the New Generation.’

Loretta Napoleoni in the first half.

And; over-shadowed by the Iraq occupation, the situation in Occupied Palestine continues to fester. Despite Israel’s much touted withdrawal of settlements from the Gaza Strip, life is not getting any easier for Palestinians, who are yet prisoners in their own land with little hope on the horizon for the long-awaited establishment of a sovereign state.

Jon Elmer is a Canadian journalist and founder of the news website, ‘From Occupied Palestine.org’

Jon Elmer from Palestine in the second half.

And; Janine Bandcroft will be here at the bottom of the hour to bring us up to speed on all that’s good to do in and around Victoria this week.

But first, Loretta Napoleoni and the Islamic Zorro, Abu Musab al Zarqawi.



G-Radio is dedicated to social justice, the environment, community, and providing a forum for people and issues not covered in the mainstream media.

Some past guests include: M. Junaid Alam, Joel Bakan, Maude Barlow, David Barsamian, William Blum, Luciana Bohne, Vincent Bugliosi, Helen Caldicott, Noam Chomsky, Michel Chossudovsky, Diane Christian, Juan Cole, David Cromwell, Jon Elmer, Reese Erlich, Anthony Fenton, Jim Fetzer, Laura Flanders, Chris Floyd, Susan George, Stan Goff, Robert Greenwald, Denis Halliday, Chris Hedges, Sander Hicks, Julia Butterfly Hill, Robert Jensen, Dahr Jamail, Diana Johnstone, Kathy Kelly, Naomi Klein, Anthony Lappe, Frances Moore Lappe, Dave Lindorff, Jim Lobe, Jennifer Loewenstein, Wayne Madsen, Stephen Marshall, Linda McQuaig, George Monbiot, Loretta Napoleoni, John Nichols, Kurt Nimmo, Greg Palast, Michael Parenti, William Rivers Pitt, Sheldon Rampton, Paul Craig Roberts, Paul de Rooij, John Ross, Danny Schechter, Vandana Shiva, Norman Solomon, Starhawk, Grant Wakefield, Paul Watson, Bernard Weiner, Mickey Z., Dave Zirin, and many others.


Stay informed. Subscribe and get the best of PEJ News by email. Free.

Saturday, November 12, 2005

Canadian Haiti Crime

Canada's Crimes Against Haiti
Norman (Otis) Richmond

Black Commentator
November 10, 2005

http://www.blackcommentator.com/
156/156_richmond_canada_haiti.html

Canadian Prime Minister Paul Martin is attempting to position himself as a champion of the downtrodden. Martin talks the talk but doesn’t walk the walk.

He put on quite a show at the United Nations 2005 World Summit.

"Canada cannot conceive of a world succeeding without the United Nations," said Martin. "But, make no mistake, the UN needs reform." He claims to support a reformed United Nations. Cuban president Fidel Castro also talks of a reformed United Nations. Are Martin and Castro on the same page? I don’t think so. Martin‘s "reforms" will do little or nothing to support the world’s oppressed. Castro’s vision is to completely transform the planet under a better arrangement for the down pressed.

While Canada did put boots on the ground in New Orleans and the Gulf Coast, Cuba also offered to help the American people. However, the American government refused Cuba’s helping hand. Spokespersons for US imperialism love to use the fact that Cuba interfered in the internal affairs of Angola in the 1970s and ‘80s. But the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the dominant group in the struggle for Angolan independence and the democratically elected government from Portugal, had invited the Cubans to help them fight off an invasion from Apartheid South Africa. What the average citizen does not realize is that the US also asked for and received military assistance from France, the Netherlands, Spain, Haiti and others, during its war for national independence.



A new book, Canada In Haiti: Waging War On The Poor Majority by Yves Engler and Anthony Fenton opposes Prime Minister Martin on the question of Haiti. Fenton is a Vancouver-based independent investigative journalist, radio correspondent, and activist, who traveled to Haiti one month after the coup that removed former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide from power. Montreal-based Engler, who is also author of Playing Left-Wing - From Rat to Student Radical, is an activist who traveled to Haiti in December 2004. Canada, France and the United States are all in bed in Haiti.

Engler and Fenton spoke at a public forum and book launch at Osie and discussed the growing support in Canada for the people of Haiti against the Canadian, U.S., French, and Brazilian occupation. The meeting was packed. Canada In Haiti exposes Canadian government and business responsibility for anti-Aristide coup against democracy. The chapter "Responsibility to Protect or A Made in Ottawa Coup?" points out the coup against Aristide was actually planned on Canadian soil.

From January 31-February 1, 2003, Canada’s Secretary of State for Latin America and La Francophonie, Denis Paradis, played host to a high-level roundtable meeting dubbed "The Ottawa Initiative on Haiti." Surprise, surprise, no representative of Haiti’s elected government was invited. However, Otto Reich, then President George W. Bush’s appointee as Assistant Secretary State for the Western Hemisphere, was in attendance.

Paradis leaked the fact that this meeting took place to journalist Michael Vastel, who reported the meeting in the March 15, 2003 edition of L'Actualite magazine.



Another chapter, "Using NGOs to Destroy Democracy and the Canadian Military Connection" exposes the shameful role played by many Canadian NGOs:

"Imagine a plan to provide Canadians their education, healthcare, water, and welfare through private foreign-government-funded charities, corporations and wealthy individuals. That may help us to visualize the Canadian NGO role in Haiti."

Engler and Fenton note that "without exception, documents obtained from CIDA (the Canadian International Development Agency) reveal that organizations ideologically opposed to Lavalas (Aristide’s party) were the sole recipients of Canadian government funding. Civil society groups supportive of Lavalas simply did not receive development money."

Many have said NGO stands for "Nothing Going On." However, a lot is going on in Haiti, the world’s first African republic. During a November 2004 visit to Haiti, Prime Minister Martin famously declared, "there are no political prisoners in Haiti." Annette Auguste, popularly known as So Anne, the folk artist and supporter of exiled president Aristide, herself behind bars, begs to disagree:

"If I am not freed there are political prisoners in Haiti. If former Prime Minister Yvon Neptune and former interior minister J. Privert are not freed there are political prisoners in Haiti. If all the prisoners in Haiti who have been arrested merely for their affiliation with Lavalas are not freed, there are political prisoners in Haiti."

So Anne was arrested on Mother’s Day 2004 in a military raid in which 20 US marines invaded her home "without a warrant using plastic explosives. They killed her two dogs and cuffed and hooded members of her family, including four minors under the age of 15." The pretext for the arrest was "information that she was stockpiling weapons in her home and planned to attack US interests in Haiti." No evidence was offered. So Anne is still in prison despite calls for her release.

There is a growing global movement in solidarity with Haiti. On July 21, protests against the July 6 massacre were mounted in 13 U.S. cities, five Canadian cities, in Paris, and in Brazil. Many of the demonstrations targeted embassies or consulates of Brazil because of that country’s role as leader of the military component of the UN occupation force.

Africans at home and abroad must come to the defense of the Haitian people. Haiti’s revolution led the way for Africans and the oppressed, worldwide. Frederick Douglass, a firm believer in the Haitian Revolution, delivered a Speech on Haiti at the World's Fair January 2, 1893 and was clear on Haiti’s role in the freedom of Black Americans. Said Douglas, "We should not forget that the freedom you and I enjoy today," he said, "is largely due to the brave stand taken by the black sons of Haiti ninety years ago…striking for their freedom, they struck for the freedom of every black man in the world."

Toronto-based journalist and radio producer Norman (Otis) Richmond can be heard on Diasporic Music, Thursdays, 8 p.m.-10 p.m., Saturday Morning Live, Saturdays, 10 a.m.-1 p. m. and From a Different Perspective, Sundays, 6-6:30 p.m. on CKLN-FM 88.1 and on the internet at www.ckln.fm. He can be reached by e-mail norman@ckln.fm.

Bush's Enemies List Sees Daylight


PEJ News - C. L. Cook - Reminiscent of the darkest days of the Nixon administration, anonymous White House staffers confirm George W. Bush has an "enemies" list Tricky Dick would envy.


http://www.eecis.udel.edu/~davis/stamps/
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www.pej.org


Bush's Enemies List Sees Daylight
C. L. Cook

PEJ News
November 12, 2005

Beyond the botched break-in of the Democrat's election HQ by Nixon's so-called "plumbers," one of the most troubling facts to come out of the subsequent 'Watergate' investigations was the existence of an "official enemies list" compiled by the administration with the aid of J. Edgar Hoover's FBI. Now, the Beltway broadsheet, Capitol Hill Blue is reporting the Bush administration too has an enemies list, one dwarfing Tricky Dick's, and again the FBI is implicated.

According to the paper, Bush's list contains the names and incriminating details on more than 10,000 subjects deemed hostile to the administration, and even those believed critical of Bush during his tenure as governor of Texas. More worrisome than the existence of such a list is the misuse by Bush insiders of the so-called "Patriot Act" to investigate those disagreeing with administration policies.

The list includes information on members of Congress, local, state and federal officials and many media figures and ordinary citizens who have had the temerity to question Bush's reign. Some notables said to appear prominently on the list are filmmaker, Michael Moore, outspoken Senator, Barbara Boxer, and news bloggers behind the sites, Daily Kos and Wonkette.

Describing the methods behind the Bush team philosophy, an unnamed White House aide says: "If you want to know who’s sleeping with whom, who drinks too much or has a fondness for nose candy, this is the place to find it. Karl (Rove) operates under the rule that if you fuck with us, we’ll f*ck you over."

Karl Rove, Bush's chief political operative, is said to have begun the list while working on George W. Bush's gubernatorial run in Texas and was dramatically expanded following the passage of the Patriot Act in 2001. Rove allegedly made use of the FBI's "national security letters" to garner private information on perceived foes. The letters allow the FBI to intercept phone, financial, and internet records without the subjects knowledge, or judicial oversight. The letters are routinely sent to employers, banks, and other sources deemed likely to possess personal data. Those contacted are forbidden, on pain of prosecution, from informing individuals targeted.

Commenting on the list, a White House staffer said: "We’re talking about Big Brother at its most extreme. We know things about people that their spouses don’t know and, if it becomes politically expedient, we will make sure the rest of the world knows."

The White House has so far refused comment on the list.



Chris Cook
is a contributing editor to PEJ News and hosts Gorilla Radio, a weekly public affairs program that is no friend of the Bush administration. You can check out the GR Blog here.


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Friday, November 11, 2005

Torture Planet: Canada's Complicity



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PEJ News -
C.L. Cook - In a little more than a half-hour from time of writing, across Canada gathered citizens will bow their heads for a moment's remembrance of those fallen in the wars of the 20th century. Here, we used to call it Armistice Day, and the remembrance was originally meant as a warning to the would-be victims of future military adventurism that the peace MUST be recalled and protected: "Lest We Forget."

www.pej.org


Torture Planet: Canada's Complicity
C.L. Cook


PEJ News
November 11, 2005


But, today the admonition is a forgotten message, subsumed by flags, cannonades and firing squads. Today, Canada is a fully paid member of the new world war, George W. Bush's so-called "War on Terror." Canadian soldiers ship out over there to Afghanistan and Haiti and Iraq. Canadian sailors patrol the trade routes for the loot senior partner America extracts from the battlegrounds, while Canadian death squads, in the form of the secretive JTF2, and spooks assist the great "Project" promised to last a century.

In Ottawa, quisling politicos too are doing the bidding of their D.C. masters, aiding and abetting the illegal transport of prisoners from this country into the hands of America's burgeoning torture centres around the globe.

On November 9th, two days before the masses were beckoned out to again "remember," the United Nations issues a blistering condemnation of several nations taking part in what they term the "outsourcing of torture," and to our collective shame Canada's name appeared prominently alongside bastions of freedom and liberty Uzbekistan, Syria, Algeria, and Egypt. Fine company to be now keeping for the country once known for peacekeeping.

The U.N.'s accusations come in the wake of a 15 page report, 'Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment' presented to the General Assembly detailing the U. S. Central Intelligence Agency's global gulags. Manfred Nowak, special rapporteur on torture says: "Several governments, in the fight against terrorism, have transferred or proposed to return alleged terrorist suspects to countries where they may be at risk of torture or ill-treatment."

This runs counter to international law, as Article 3 of the United Nations' Convention Against Torture clearly states: "No State party shall expel, return ('refouler') or extradite a person to another State where there are substantial grounds for believing that he would be [in] danger of being subjected to torture."

How countries like Canada, the United States, and even gentle Sweden have circumvented the precisely worded prohibition is through the agency of "diplomatic assurances" and "formal guarantees" from "host" nations. These assurances coming from some of the most dispicable regimes on the planet are merely a wink and nod, understood by all to be absolutely meaningless. As Nowak says: "[D]iplomatic assurances are unreliable and ineffective in the protection against torture and ill-treatment and such assurances are sought usually from States where the practice of torture is systematic." Adding: these "assurances" have no standing in law and therefore: "they carry no legal effect and no accountability, if breached, and the person whom the assurances aim to protect has no recourse if the assurances are violated."

In George W. Bush's America this process has been formalized and granted the euphemism, "extraordinary rendition." But that sobriquet is misleading as the extraordinary becomes commonplace, as Francis A. Boyle, professor of international law at the University of Illinois describes the "reprehensive policy known euphemistically as 'extraordinary renditions'" that involve both the "enforced disappearances of persons" and torture, as "widespread" and "systematic." Citing Article 7 of the Rome Statute for the International Court, Boyle says this constitutes a "crime against humanity."

Boyle believes these crimes should be prosecuted, if not in the current political climate, at a future date (he notes these transgressions have no "statute of limitation") and all those taking part in this process, including White House legal counsel "legitimizing" these actions, should too stand in the dock, saying: "[A]ll Bush Jr. administration lawyers at the White House, the Department of Justice, and the CIA, inter alia, who signed off on 'extraordinary renditions' must also be prosecuted for aiding and abetting crimes against humanity, war crimes, torture, enforced disappearances, murder, and kidnapping."

So here we have Canada's Prime Minister, and the scions of our legal system criminals, serving an illegal, immoral, and indefensible policy of torture and murder in our names, today soberly laying wreaths to the lost generations of the past, while promising more of the same for the future.

Remembrance be damned!



Chris Cook
is a contributing editor to PEJ News. He also hosts Gorilla Radio, a weekly public affairs program, broad/webcast from the University of Victoria, Canada. You can check out the GR Blog here.


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Thursday, November 10, 2005

Colorado Soldier Founds Anti-War Group

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November 10, 2005 by Associated Press


Sgt. Kelly Dougherty went to Iraq in 2003, doubting that the war was just.
She returned in 2004, certain it was wrong, and co-founded Iraq Veterans Against the War.


Sgt. Kelly Dougherty joined over 3,000 at a Fayetteville, North Carolina rally to mark two years of war and occupation in Iraq, March 19, 2005. (Photo by Jeff Paterson)


"People say you are a traitor. People say you are unpatriotic," said Dougherty, 27, about her anti-war work. "We are doing this because we feel strongly about America.

"I really appreciate America, but we are capable of doing some very bad things."

Dougherty was stationed near Nazaria in southern Iraq for 10 months with the Colorado National Guard's 220th Military Police Co. She saw action but never fired her weapon.

Dougherty said the thousands of innocent civilians who have been killed and the broken American promises about repairing water, electricity and sewage systems convinced her the troops should come home.

The faces of Iraqi civilians mirrored her growing doubts.

"At first, the Iraqis smiled and waved, but at the end of my 10 months there, they'd turn away or make rude gestures," Dougherty said.

After she came home in February 2004, and left the Guard after eight years with an honorable discharge, Dougherty embarked on a new mission.

She put her life and income on hold to talk to college students, high school classes and community groups across the country.

"The war in Iraq is not about protecting this country. The war is about aggression," said Dougherty, who doesn't receive a salary for her work against the war.

At Regis College in Denver recently with the Wheels of Justice Tour, Dougherty said her unit was often ordered to burn broken-down civilian contractor trucks loaded with supplies rather than allow the impoverished Iraqis to loot them for the water, food, fuel and vehicle parts that could be sold.

"Most of us wanted to help the Iraqi people, but the only good we could do was give kids candy," she told six Regis students who gathered on a warm fall afternoon to listen to her. "That's not what they need. They need clean water and security."

The worst events she experienced involved civilians, including children, hit by contractor convoys that thundered along rural roads under orders to never stop.

"I wasn't protecting America. I was protecting Halliburton trucks going to military bases," she said.

Dougherty said her MP unit provided security for investigators at rural crash scenes, including a fatality where a military convoy killed a boy.

"The family was there. An older relative fell to his knees and collapsed on the ground. There was nothing they could do," she said.

Dougherty said she had hoped that American troops would help rebuild power plants, water systems and schools, but the only construction she saw was at military bases.

"From what I saw, we just created more chaos and violence," she said. "I became less and less convinced that we were there for a good purpose."

The rebuilding effort is the subject of a new report by the special inspector general for Iraq. While noting problems in the $30 billion U.S.-financed effort, the report also cited "steady progress" in parts of the program, despite what was described as "the hazardous security environment, the fluid political situation and the harsh realities of working in a war zone," according to a story in a recent Sunday edition of the New York Times.

Unlikely soldier

Dougherty, whose parents divorced when she was a child, grew up in a working-class neighborhood in Canon City. She was a good student who asked questions.

When she graduated from high school in 1996, she knew two things: that she wanted to go to college and that her parents couldn't afford to send her.

Her stepfather, Army veteran Jim Brenner, suggested she sign up for the National Guard for the college benefits.

Her father, Sean Dougherty, a Vietnam veteran, argued against it.

Nevertheless, Dougherty enlisted, along with her best friend, Elizabeth Spradlin, in the Colorado National Guard in Pueblo.

Her once-a-month service as a medic meshed with her classes at the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs. A biology major, she wants to work in health services.

She was deployed to Hungary for eight months in 1999 as an MP to escort troops to Bosnia. She was activated again as an MP in January 2003 for duty in Iraq.

"Before I went, I told an officer that I had reservations because Iraq wasn't behind the 9/11 attack," she said. "The officer said he had reservations, too."

That night, however, the officer told the platoon that Iraq was behind the 9/11 attack and that the country needed to strike back, Dougherty said.

"Our leader was misleading us," she said.

Her unit first went to Kuwait, where they huddled in a bunker for two days as alarms signaled incoming Scud missiles fired by the Iraqis.

"We were in full protective gear because we were told the missiles had chemical and biological weapons," Dougherty said.

The soldiers again were misled, she said. The U.S. later said the Iraqis didn't have biological or chemical agents or weapons of mass destruction.

On the anti-war trail

At high schools across the country and especially in Colorado Springs, Colorado's military hub, Dougherty tells students to look at grants and other sources of tuition help rather than the military.

"I tell them to take what the military recruiters say with a grain of salt," she said. "I tell them there are other options."

Dougherty, who wants to get a master's degree in public health, said most of the audiences she's talked to since July 2004 have been small and usually already agree with her stand.

But the Iraq Veterans Against the War itself has grown from Dougherty and her six-cofounders to 300 today. National polls show dwindling support for the war as well.

She's found she's a frequent target of pro-war tirades on blogs. Dougherty said she enjoys her discussions during speaking engagements with Iraq veterans who disagree with her.

"I say that I support them and my experience was different than theirs," she said.

Dougherty said she and her stepfather don't discuss her anti-war activities, but her father has become active in the movement.

At North Presbyterian Church in Denver recently, more than 75 people -- the group's largest audience of the week -- listened to Dougherty and two other Iraq veterans relate their experiences.

"There was a poll in Europe, rating the most dangerous countries. America was rated as the most dangerous," Dougherty told the gathering.

One of the audience members, Matt Walsh, 25, said he hadn't heard about the large civilian losses or the lack of water and food that had turned many of the Iraqi people against the U.S.

"I don't know anyone who's in Iraq," said Walsh, who graduated from college this year. "It could have been me that signed up to go to Iraq."

The audience gave Dougherty and the other vets a standing ovation.

"I came to find out from the ranks what has really gone on in Iraq," said John Addison, an Army veteran who was stationed in Germany during the Vietnam War. "I was impressed with what these soldiers had to say," he said.

Not all agree

During her talk, Dougherty said her few encounters with Iraqis, especially with the women, confirmed her belief that Iraqis are good people.

"It made me wish all the more that I was there in a different capacity than being part of the military," she said.

Jeff Chapman, a deacon at the church who wore an American flag tie and an American flag pin on his jacket lapel, listened, but disagreed.

"I feel more people would die here, in this country, if we didn't fight the Iraqi terrorists there," said Chapman, an Air Force veteran.

"But what these people are doing is great," he said. "I fought for their right to say these things."

Copyright © 2005 Associated Press

Waning Blair

Waning Blair: Not the End of the Beginning, But the Beginning of the End

PEJ News - C. L. Cook - Tony Blair's lame pronouncement on losing New Labour's first House of Commons vote in more than eight years sums up both his myopic world view, and his moral bankruptcy. With a somewhat less than stiff upper lip, Tony imparted this: "Sometimes it is better to lose and do the right thing than to win and do the wrong thing."

www.pej.org


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Waning Blair:
Not the End of the Beginning,
But the Beginning of the End
C. L. Cook

PEJ News
November 9, 2005

The right thing in question was his government's attempt to further strengthen what many already see as Britain's draconian "anti-terror" laws. Blair tabled legislation to extend the period the state can hold "terror suspects" in detention without trial or representation to 90 days. The House's rejection did not go so far as to repeal the nullification of Habeas Corpus, a power Blair's government previously granted itself, instead limiting the length of such detentions to 28 days. But, Blair's defeat is more significant than a single reversal, it signals the defection of Labour party members, effectively ending Blair's majority rule in parliament.

Undaunted, today Blair chided not only his own turncoat MP's, but the House as a whole, saying the thumbs down on his proposed legislation signalled a "worrying gap" between dissenting members and the public will. Defying irony, Blair's criticism denies his own massive loss of credibility among British voters.

Blair never recovered from the so-called "Downing Street Memos" (DSM) scandal that broke as front page news in Britain earlier this year. The memos of 2002 meetings held in the run-up to the Iraq invasion record British intelligence's extreme scepticism about reports of Saddam Hussein's ability to threaten either his neighbours or the U.K., suggesting the file was exaggerated to support the American determination to topple Iraq's government.

Opposition leader, Michael Howard used the loss in the House to again call for the Prime Minister's resignation, while "rebel" Labour MP, Paul Flynn warned back-benchers would not play Blair's "poodles," a not so subtle reference to Blair sobriquet "Bush's Poodle."

Despite the limiting of Blair's initiative, an amended version of the bill finally passed has Muslim in Britain expressing concern. They worry that the proposed banning of religious organizations and clamping down on Muslim websites and publications effect media freedoms and could prove further fuel for resentments and serve to push fanatical organizations underground.

A working group of Muslim experts simultaneously released the finding of their months long study of the July 7th tube bombings in London, saying British foreign policy was a "key contributory factor" to that act of terrorism and possible future attacks within England.

Party loyalists are playing down Blair's reversal, saying it's a "one-off," but with controversial policy bills on welfare, private pensions, and healthcare due to be read in the House in the new year, Blair will have a busy Christmas trying to bring his party to heel.

Blair's motion lost by 31 votes, despite Labour's 66 seat majority in parliament.



Chris Cook is a contributing editor at PEJ News. He also hosts Gorilla Radio, a weekly public affairs program, broad/webcast from the University of Victoria, Canada.

You can check out the GR Blog here.




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Sunday, November 06, 2005

Gorilla Radio for N07, '05

Gorilla Radio for Monday, November 7, 2005

PEJ News -
C. L. Cook - This week on GR: Muckraking investigative journalist, Russ Baker and a case for impeachment.

Concerned citizen and legal activist, Katherine Hughes and the strange case of the Good Doctor, Rafil Dhafir.

And; Janine Bandcroft, bringing us up to speed with all the good things to do in and around Victoria this coming week.

www.pej.org


Chris Cook hosts Gorilla Radio, airing live every Monday, 5-6pm Pacific Time. In Victoria at 101.9FM, 104.3 cable, and on the internet at: http://cfuv.uvic.ca He also serves as a contributing editor at the progressive web news site: http://www.pej.org.

You can check out the GR blog at: http://GorillaRadioBlog.blogspot.com



Gorilla Radio for Monday,
November 7th, 2005


There are encouraging signs that the criminal enterprise, known also as the Bush administration is, after fully five years of free reign being called to account for its myriad transgressions. The Grand Jury investigation into the Valerie Plame affair has, many believe, all the elements necessary to bring down George W. Bush, but is there the political will in America to carry it through?

Russ Baker is an award-winning, unabashed muckraking investigative journalist whose work has appeared across the media spectrum. He is a co-founder of MediaBistro, a website serving as a bridge between journalists and “new media” professionals. His latest endeavour is The Real News Project, which he describes as a “media production shop for groundbreaking, transformative, independent investigative journalism.

Russ Baker in the first half.

And; far-reaching laws enacted in the aftermath of the September 11th attacks in the U.S. have allowed for all manner of state excess. None have felt the sting of these laws more acutely than America’s Muslim community: imprisonment without due process, so-called “extraordinary rendition,” and broadened powers of search and seizure have combined to create a climate of fear for many Americans. But none of these is more disturbing than the “case” against Dr. Rafil A. Dhafir. Last month, after serving nearly three years in federal custody, Dr. Dhafir was sentenced to 22 years in prison: his crime; sending humanitarian aid to Iraq.

Katherine Hughes is a Syracuse, New York potter and student who followed the prosecution of the local doctor, Rafil Dhafir, and says she became so concerned with the ramifications of it held for civil liberties she took a hiatus from her studies to look more deeply into the case than the local media was willing to.

Katherine Hughes and the United States v. Rafil A. Dhafir in the second half.

And; Janine Bandcroft will be here to bring us up to speed on all that’s good to do in and around Victoria this week.

But first, Russ Baker and testing the media’s mettle.



G-Radio is dedicated to social justice, the environment, community, and providing a forum for people and issues not covered in the mainstream media.

Some past guests include: M. Junaid Alam, Joel Bakan, Maude Barlow, David Barsamian, William Blum, Luciana Bohne, Vincent Bugliosi, Helen Caldicott, Noam Chomsky, Michel Chossudovsky, Diane Christian, Juan Cole, David Cromwell, Jon Elmer, Reese Erlich, Anthony Fenton, Jim Fetzer, Laura Flanders, Chris Floyd, Susan George, Stan Goff, Robert Greenwald, Denis Halliday, Chris Hedges, Sander Hicks, Julia Butterfly Hill, Robert Jensen, Dahr Jamail, Diana Johnstone, Kathy Kelly, Naomi Klein, Anthony Lappe, Frances Moore Lappe, Dave Lindorff, Jim Lobe, Jennifer Loewenstein, Wayne Madsen, Stephen Marshall, Linda McQuaig, George Monbiot, Loretta Napoleoni, John Nichols, Kurt Nimmo, Greg Palast, Michael Parenti, William Rivers Pitt, Sheldon Rampton, Paul Craig Roberts, Paul de Rooij, John Ross, Danny Schechter, Vandana Shiva, Norman Solomon, Starhawk, Grant Wakefield, Paul Watson, Bernard Weiner, Mickey Z., Dave Zirin, and many others.


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Saturday, November 05, 2005

Keeping Humpty on the Wall: All the President's Media


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All the King's Media
WILLIAM GREIDER

The Nation
[from the November 21, 2005 issue]


Amid the smoke and stench of burning careers, Washington feels a bit like the last days of the ancien régime. As the world's finest democracy, we do not do guillotines. But there are other less bloody rituals of humiliation, designed to reassure the populace that order is restored, the Republic cleansed. Let the perp walks begin. Whether the public feels reassured is another matter.

George W. Bush's plight leads me to thoughts of Louis XV and his royal court in the eighteenth century. Politics may not have changed as much as modern pretensions assume. Like Bush, the French king was quite popular until he was scorned, stubbornly self-certain in his exercise of power yet strangely submissive to manipulation by his courtiers. Like Louis Quinze, our American magistrate (whose own position was secured through court intrigues, not elections) has lost the "royal touch." Certain influential cliques openly jeer the leader they not so long ago extolled; others gossip about royal tantrums and other symptoms of lost direction. The accusations stalking his important counselors and assembly leaders might even send some of them to jail. These political upsets might matter less if the government were not so inept at fulfilling its routine obligations, like storm relief. The king's sorry war drags on without resolution, with people still arguing over why exactly he started it. The staff of life--oil, not bread--has become punishingly expensive. The government is broke, borrowing formidable sums from rival nations. The king pretends nothing has changed.

The burnt odor in Washington is from the disintegrating authority of the governing classes. The public's darkest suspicions seem confirmed. Flagrant money corruption, deceitful communication of public plans and purposes, shocking incompetence--take your pick, all are involved. None are new to American politics, but they are potently fused in the present circumstances. A recent survey in Wisconsin found that only 6 percent of citizens believe their elected representatives serve the public interest. If they think that of state and local officials, what must they think of Washington?

We are witnessing, I suspect, something more momentous than the disgrace of another American President. Watergate was red hot, but always about Richard Nixon, Richard Nixon. This convergence of scandal and failure seems more systemic, less personal. The new political force for change is not the squeamish opposition party called the Democrats but a common disgust and anger at the sordidness embedded in our dysfunctional democracy. The wake from that disgust may prove broader than Watergate's (when democracy was supposedly restored by Nixon's exit), because the anger is also splashing over once-trusted elements of the establishment.

Heroic truth-tellers in the Watergate saga, the established media are now in disrepute, scandalized by unreliable "news" and over-intimate attachments to powerful court insiders. The major media stood too close to the throne, deferred too eagerly to the king's twisted version of reality and his lust for war. The institutions of "news" failed democracy on monumental matters. In fact, the contemporary system looks a lot more like the ancien régime than its practitioners realize. Control is top-down and centralized. Information is shaped (and tainted) by the proximity of leading news-gatherers to the royal court and by their great distance from people and ordinary experience.

People do find ways to inform themselves, as best they can, when the regular "news" is not reliable. In prerevolutionary France, independent newspapers were illegal--forbidden by the king--and books and pamphlets, rigorously censored by the government. Yet people developed a complex shadow system by which they learned what was really going on--the news that did not appear in official court pronouncements and privileged publications. Cultural historian Robert Darnton, in brilliantly original works like The Literary Underground of the Old Regime, has mapped the informal but politically potent news system by which Parisians of high and low status circulated court secrets or consumed the scandalous books known as libelles, along with subversive songs, poems and gossip, often leaked from within the king's own circle. News traveled in widening circles. Parisians gathered in favored cafes, designated park benches or exclusive salons, where the forbidden information was read aloud and copied by others to pass along. Parisians could choose for themselves which reality they believed. The power of the French throne was effectively finished, one might say, once the king lost control of the news. (It was his successor, Louis XVI, who lost his head.)

Something similar, as Darnton noted, is occurring now in American society. The centralized institutions of press and broadcasting are being challenged and steadily eroded by widening circles of unlicensed "news" agents--from talk-radio hosts to Internet bloggers and others--who compete with the official press to be believed. These interlopers speak in a different language and from many different angles of vision. Less authoritative, but more democratic. The upheaval has only just begun, but already even the best newspapers are hemorrhaging circulation. Dan Gillmor, an influential pioneer and author of We the Media, thinks tomorrow's news, the reporting and production, will be "more of a conversation, or a seminar"--less top-down, and closer to how people really speak about their lives.

Which brings us to the sappy operetta of the reporter and her influential source: Scooter Libby, the Vice President's now-indicted war wonk, and Judith Miller, the New York Times's intrepid reporter and First Amendment martyr. What seems most shocking about their relationship is the intimacy. "Come back to work--and life," Scooter pleaded in a letter to Judy, doing her eighty-five days in jail. "Out west, where you vacation, the aspens will already be turning. They turn in clusters, because their roots connect them." Miller responded in her bizarre first-person Times account by telling a cherished memory of Scooter. Out West, she said, a man in sunglasses, dressed like a cowboy, approached and spoke to her: "Judy, it's Scooter Libby."

Are Washington reporters really that close to their sources? For her part, Miller has a "tropism toward powerful men," as Times columnist Maureen Dowd delicately put it. This is well-known gossip in court circles, but let's not go there. Boy reporters also suck up to powerful men with shameful deference, wanting to be loved by the insiders so they can be inside too (shades of the French courtiers). The price of intimacy is collected in various coins, but older hands in the news business understand what is being sold. The media, Christopher Dickey of Newsweek observed in a web essay, "long ago concluded having access to power is more important than speaking truth to it."

The elite press, like any narcissistic politician, tells a heart-warming myth about itself. Reporters, it is said, dig out the hard facts to share with the people by locating anonymous truth-tellers inside government. They then protect these sources from retaliation by refusing to name them, even at the cost of going to prison. That story line was utterly smashed by this scandal. Reporters were prepared to go to jail to protect sources who were not exactly whistleblowers cowering in anonymity. They were Libby and Karl Rove--the king's own counselors at the pinnacle of government. They were the same guys who collaborated on the bloodiest political deception of the Bush presidency: the lies that took the country into war. So, in a sense, the press was also protecting itself from further embarrassment. The major media, including the best newspapers, all got the war wrong, and for roughly the same reason--their compliant proximity to power. With a few honorable exceptions, they bought into the lies and led cheers for war. They ignored or downplayed the dissent from some military leaders and declined to explore tough questions posed by anyone outside the charmed circle. The nation may not soon forget this abuse of privileged status, nor should it.

Leaks and whispers are a daily routine of news-gathering in Washington. The sweet irony of President Bush's predicament is that it was partly self-induced. His White House deputies enforced discipline on reporters and insiders, essentially shutting down the stream of nonofficial communications and closing the informal portals for dissent and dispute within government. This was new in the Bush era, and it's ultimately been debilitating. It has made reporters still more dependent on the official spin, as the Administration wanted, but it has also sealed off the king from the flow of high-level leaks and informative background noises that help vet developing policies and steer reporters to the deeper news.

The paradox of our predicament is that, unlike the ancien régime, US citizens do enjoy free speech, free press and other rights to disturb the powerful. In this country you can say aloud or publish just about anything you like. But will anyone hear you? The audible range of diverse and rebellious voices has been visibly shrunk in the last generation. The corporate concentration of media ownership has put a deadening blanket over the usual cacophony of democracy, with dissenting voices screened for acceptability by young and often witless TV producers. Corporate owners have a strong stake in what gets said on their stations. Why piss off the President when you will need his good regard for so many things? Viewers have a zillion things to watch, but if you jump around the dial, with luck you will always be watching a General Electric channel.

How did it happen that the multiplication of outlets made possible by technology led to a concentration of views and opinions--ones usually anchored by the conventional wisdom of center-right sensibilities? Where did the "freedom" go? Where are the people's ideas and observations? Al Gore, who found his voice after he lost the presidency, recently expressed his sense of alarm: "I believe that American democracy is in grave danger. It is no longer possible to ignore the strangeness of our public discourse." The bread-and-circuses format that monopolizes the public's airwaves is driven by a condescending commercial calculation that Americans are too stupid to want anything more. But that assumption becomes fragile as other voices find other venues for expression. This is an industry crisis that will be very healthy for the society, a political opening to rearrange access and licensing for democratic purposes.

For the faltering press, the bloggers will keep sharpening their swords, slicing away at the established order. This is good, but the pressure will lead to meaningful change only if the Internet artisans innovate further, organizing new formats and techniques for networking among more diverse people and interests. The daily feed of facts and bile from bloggers has been wondrously effective in unmasking the pretensions of the big boys, but the broader society needs more--something closer to the democratic "conversations and seminars" that Gillmor envisions, and less dependent on partisan fury and accusation.

As an ex-Luddite, I came to the web with the skepticism of an old print guy. Against expectations, I am experiencing sustained exchanges with many far-flung people I've never met--dialogues that inform both of us and are utterly voluntary experiences. This is a promising new form of consent. Democracy, I once wrote, begins not at election time but in human conversation.

Establishment newspapers like the New York Times face a special dilemma, one they may not easily resolve. Under assault, do editors and reporters align still more closely with the establishment interests to maintain an air of "authority," or do they get down with folks and dish it out to the powerful? Scandal and crisis compelled the Times to lower its veil of authority a bit and acknowledge error (a shocking development itself). But while the Times is in my view the best, most interesting newspaper, it always will be establishment. For instance, it could be more honest about its longstanding newsroom tensions between "liberals" and "neocons." What the editors might re-examine is their own defensive concept of what's authoritative. It is not just Bush's war that blinded sober judgment and led to narrow coverage. In many other important areas--political decay and global economics, among others--the Times (like other elite papers) seems afraid to acknowledge that wider, more fundamental debate exists. It chooses to report only one side--the side of received elite opinion.

Readers do understand--surprise!--that the Times is not infallible. A newspaper comes out every day and gets something wrong. Tomorrow, it comes out again and can try to get it right. In essence, that is what people and critics already know. They are more likely to be forgiving if the newspaper loosens up a bit and makes room for more divergent understandings of what's happening. But as more irreverent voices elbow their way into the "news" system, the big media are likely to lose still more audience if they cannot get more distance from throne and power.

What will come of all this? Possibly, not much. The cluster of scandals and breakdown may simply feed the people's alienation and resignation. The governing elites, including major media, are in denial, unwilling to speak honestly about the perilous economic circumstances ahead, the burgeoning debt from global trade, the sinking of the working class and other threatening conditions. When those realities surface, many American lives will be upended with no available recourse and no one in authority they can trust, since the denial and evasion are bipartisan. That's a very dangerous situation for a society--an invitation to irrational angers and scapegoating. It will require a new, more encompassing politics to avert an ugly political contagion. We need more reliable "news" to recover democracy.

Canadian Empire?

Malign Neglect or Imperialism?
Nikolas Barry-Shaw

03/11/2005 - 03:58


What is happening right now in Haiti is probably Canada’s worst foreign policy crime in the last 50 years. The Canadian government helped plan and carry out the destabilization of Haiti’s elected government, culminating in the February 2004 coup d’état/kidnapping of President Jean Bertrand Aristide by U.S. Marines and Canada’s Joint Task Force 2. Since then, the coup-installed government and its death squad allies have waged an all-out war against Aristide’s Lavalas movement and its supporters with the full and enthusiastic backing of Paul Martin’s Liberal government.

Canadian police lead the UN police mission (UNPOL) responsible for training, vetting and overseeing the new Haitian National Police (HNP). Under their watch, hundreds of former Haitian Army (FAd’H) officers, death squad members and individuals who “have been involved in drug rackets, kidnappings, extra judicial killings or other illegal activities,” have been integrated into the HNP, according to the Catholic Institute for International Relations. The result has been massacres, violent and indiscriminate raids on poor neighborhoods, summary executions, attacks on journalists and peaceful demonstrators and arbitrary mass arrests. Thousands have been killed and thousands more have gone into hiding or taken exile in another country. When asked about reports of these abuses by human rights groups and mainstream news agencies, Foreign Affairs Minister Pierre Pettigrew has scornfully dismissed all evidence as “propaganda which is absolutely not interesting.”

Canada is also deeply involved in the functioning of Haiti’s justice system. Deputy Justice Minister Philippe Vixamar is a direct employee of the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and was assigned to his position by the Agency. In an interview, Vixamar revealed that the U.S. and Canadian governments play key roles in the criminal justice system, including paying high-level government officials. The prison system is massively overcrowded with hundreds if not thousands of political prisoners, including Lavalas presidential candidate and Amnesty International “prisoner of conscience” Father Gerard Jean-Juste. Meanwhile, death squad leaders such as Louis Jodel Chamblain are acquitted in sham trials. Special Advisor to the PM on Haiti Denis Coderre has been exceptionally duplicitous on the matter, claiming, without apparent irony, “Canada would not get involved in Haiti’s justice system.”

Repression is the only means of holding power available to an illegitimate government pushing through an anti-popular program, as the installed regime of Prime Minister Gerard Latortue has amply demonstrated. Canada helped craft the neoliberal plan for post-coup Haiti and has played a crucial part in propping up the corrupt cabal of technocrats and supporters of the former Duvalier dictatorship that forms the interim government. As part of this plan, subsidies for Haiti’s impoverished farmers have been slashed, the minimum wage has been reduced and an extremely successful adult literacy program has been dismantled by the Latortue regime, while large businesses have been given a three-year tax holiday and ex-FAd’H soldiers have been paid the outrageous sum of $30 million in “back wages”. The ground is also being prepared for the privatization of Haiti’s state enterprises, a policy vigorously opposed by the Haitian people. The Interim Cooperation Framework (ICF), a document outlining the priorities of the “transitional government” and the donor countries, touts “private sector participation” in state enterprises and makes clear the anti-democratic nature of these reforms: “The transition period . . . provide[s] a window of opportunity for implementing economic governance reforms . . . that may be hard for a future government to undo.” Canada helped draft the ICF and has donated $147 million in support of it.

Straightforward graft is flourishing under the installed government. Early on, the Office of the Prime Minister was rocked by a corruption scandal that involved diverting 15,000 bags of rice destined for the poor of Port-au-Prince, resulting in the suspension of two high-level officials close to Gerard Latortue. Youri Latortue, nephew of the Prime Minister and security chief of the National Palace, has been dubbed “Mister 30 Percent” by the French press for the cut he takes on favours, and is reportedly involved with smuggling drugs and guns. Recently, the Haitian news service Agence Haitien de Presse revealed that the government had been writing monthly checks for 6,000 police officers, despite there being only 4,000 officers in the HNP.

Despite (or perhaps because of) this atrocious record, the Canadian government has used every diplomatic means available in an effort to provide legitimacy to the installed government. High-level Canadian officials, such as Paul Martin, Pierre Pettigrew and Denis Coderre have made numerous visits to Haiti since the coup to “underline Canada’s support of the interim government and [their] intention to remain involved for the long term.” Canada has also organized and hosted international conferences with the Latortue government and chided other nations to disburse their aid more quickly. Paul Martin has even chastised CARICOM (the group of Caribbean countries) leaders for their refusal to recognize the installed government and their continued calls for an independent investigation into the removal of President Aristide. CARICOM is not alone in its opposition to the coup: Venezuela and the 53 nations of the African Union have also withheld recognition of the Latortue regime, and the ANC, South Africa’s governing party, has launched a campaign calling for the return of democracy to Haiti.

It hardly comes as a surprise that Canadian government officials and their PR flaks to have sought to deceive the public while carrying out their nefarious dealings in Haiti. Yet the government has received help in this endeavour from some unlikely sources: various self-denoted “left” or “progressive” NGOs have misrepresented the causes of the human rights disaster in Haiti and ignored Canada’s intervention almost completely, thus becoming complicit, wittingly or not, in the government’s “perception management” operations. Pierre Beaudet’s Rabble.ca piece “Haiti: Where should the left stand?” defending his organization Alternatives’ position on Haiti is but the most recent example. While his distortions of Haiti’s history since 1995 (especially concerning the 2000 elections and after) are significant, it is Beaudet’s assessment of the present that we will look at here.

Beaudet seriously minimizes the ruthless violence of the interim government and its Canadian-trained police force, devoting all of one sentence to the repression of Lavalas and voicing only tepid opposition to it. Moreover, Beaudet prefaces his trite reference to the anti-Lavalas witch hunt with the discredited notion of Aristide using “hard nosed gangs” to “create havoc”, implicitly laying the blame on the victims. Indeed, the Lavalas movement is portrayed as little more than a gang of criminals and drug runners in Beaudet’s article. Yet the depth of support Lavalas continues to enjoy belies such characterizations. First of all, the large majority of Lavalas’ base is located in the countryside, where at least 65% of the population lives. Rural Haiti is not exactly the preserve of ganglords and drug dealers, as Dr. Paul Farmer, renowned for his work against AIDS, malaria and TB in the Central Plateau and other parts of Haiti, explains: “I personally, in all my years in Haiti, have never once seen a peasant with a gun. And almost all of the ones around these parts are members of Famni Lavalas (Aristide's party). Now I've tended to many gunshot wounds, but they've been inflicted by former soldiers, police, or people who have cars to drive - not peasants.” In the cities, Lavalas has mobilized tens of thousands of people for demonstrations many times since the coup, despite the (frequently realized) threat of police using gunfire to break up protests. Even observers as hostile as the American and Canadian embassies have acknowledged that Lavalas is still the most popular political movement in Haiti.

While rhetorically opposing imperialism, Beaudet’s actual critique of the foreign powers’ current involvement in Haiti boils down to an accusation of malign neglect: Canada has not been “generous” enough with its aid policies and the international community have failed to “clean the mess” in Haiti as promised. Yet UN troops have been trying to “clean the mess” by carrying out frequent raids into pro-Lavalas slums, with deadly consequences for the population, and contrary to Beaudet’s belief, Canada has been extremely generous to the de facto Haitian government it helped install. What is Beaudet’s criticism of Gerard Latortue’s government, an exceedingly corrupt and undemocratic administration that is repressing its political opponents on a massive scale and reordering Haiti’s economy along neoliberal lines? Merely that it has been “ineffective”.

The hypocrisy (and serviceability to power) of this stance is worth noting: Aristide was accused of having these very same flaws (undemocratic, corrupt, neoliberal) and received unrelenting condemnation from NGOs such as Alternatives, yet no such opprobrium is forthcoming from Beaudet when it comes to the U.S./Canada puppet regime. Indeed, Beaudet seems more interested in talking about “the crimes that everyone knew Aristide had committed,” than about the serious and ongoing crimes of Canada and the interim government, crimes for which we, as Canadian citizens, hold far more responsibility.

In short, Aristide is not the issue; Canada’s role as a junior partner to U.S. imperialism is the issue.


www.outofhaiti.ca

A Canadian Empire?

Nikolas Barry-Shaw

Rabble.ca
03/11/2005 - 03:58

What is happening right now in Haiti is probably Canada’s worst foreign policy crime in the last 50 years. The Canadian government helped plan and carry out the destabilization of Haiti’s elected government, culminating in the February 2004 coup d’état/kidnapping of President Jean Bertrand Aristide by U.S. Marines and Canada’s Joint Task Force 2. Since then, the coup-installed government and its death squad allies have waged an all-out war against Aristide’s Lavalas movement and its supporters with the full and enthusiastic backing of Paul Martin’s Liberal government.

Canadian police lead the UN police mission (UNPOL) responsible for training, vetting and overseeing the new Haitian National Police (HNP). Under their watch, hundreds of former Haitian Army (FAd’H) officers, death squad members and individuals who “have been involved in drug rackets, kidnappings, extra judicial killings or other illegal activities,” have been integrated into the HNP, according to the Catholic Institute for International Relations. The result has been massacres, violent and indiscriminate raids on poor neighborhoods, summary executions, attacks on journalists and peaceful demonstrators and arbitrary mass arrests. Thousands have been killed and thousands more have gone into hiding or taken exile in another country. When asked about reports of these abuses by human rights groups and mainstream news agencies, Foreign Affairs Minister Pierre Pettigrew has scornfully dismissed all evidence as “propaganda which is absolutely not interesting.”

Canada is also deeply involved in the functioning of Haiti’s justice system. Deputy Justice Minister Philippe Vixamar is a direct employee of the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and was assigned to his position by the Agency. In an interview, Vixamar revealed that the U.S. and Canadian governments play key roles in the criminal justice system, including paying high-level government officials. The prison system is massively overcrowded with hundreds if not thousands of political prisoners, including Lavalas presidential candidate and Amnesty International “prisoner of conscience” Father Gerard Jean-Juste. Meanwhile, death squad leaders such as Louis Jodel Chamblain are acquitted in sham trials. Special Advisor to the PM on Haiti Denis Coderre has been exceptionally duplicitous on the matter, claiming, without apparent irony, “Canada would not get involved in Haiti’s justice system.”

Repression is the only means of holding power available to an illegitimate government pushing through an anti-popular program, as the installed regime of Prime Minister Gerard Latortue has amply demonstrated. Canada helped craft the neoliberal plan for post-coup Haiti and has played a crucial part in propping up the corrupt cabal of technocrats and supporters of the former Duvalier dictatorship that forms the interim government. As part of this plan, subsidies for Haiti’s impoverished farmers have been slashed, the minimum wage has been reduced and an extremely successful adult literacy program has been dismantled by the Latortue regime, while large businesses have been given a three-year tax holiday and ex-FAd’H soldiers have been paid the outrageous sum of $30 million in “back wages”. The ground is also being prepared for the privatization of Haiti’s state enterprises, a policy vigorously opposed by the Haitian people. The Interim Cooperation Framework (ICF), a document outlining the priorities of the “transitional government” and the donor countries, touts “private sector participation” in state enterprises and makes clear the anti-democratic nature of these reforms: “The transition period . . . provide[s] a window of opportunity for implementing economic governance reforms . . . that may be hard for a future government to undo.” Canada helped draft the ICF and has donated $147 million in support of it.

Straightforward graft is flourishing under the installed government. Early on, the Office of the Prime Minister was rocked by a corruption scandal that involved diverting 15,000 bags of rice destined for the poor of Port-au-Prince, resulting in the suspension of two high-level officials close to Gerard Latortue. Youri Latortue, nephew of the Prime Minister and security chief of the National Palace, has been dubbed “Mister 30 Percent” by the French press for the cut he takes on favours, and is reportedly involved with smuggling drugs and guns. Recently, the Haitian news service Agence Haitien de Presse revealed that the government had been writing monthly checks for 6,000 police officers, despite there being only 4,000 officers in the HNP.

Despite (or perhaps because of) this atrocious record, the Canadian government has used every diplomatic means available in an effort to provide legitimacy to the installed government. High-level Canadian officials, such as Paul Martin, Pierre Pettigrew and Denis Coderre have made numerous visits to Haiti since the coup to “underline Canada’s support of the interim government and [their] intention to remain involved for the long term.” Canada has also organized and hosted international conferences with the Latortue government and chided other nations to disburse their aid more quickly. Paul Martin has even chastised CARICOM (the group of Caribbean countries) leaders for their refusal to recognize the installed government and their continued calls for an independent investigation into the removal of President Aristide. CARICOM is not alone in its opposition to the coup: Venezuela and the 53 nations of the African Union have also withheld recognition of the Latortue regime, and the ANC, South Africa’s governing party, has launched a campaign calling for the return of democracy to Haiti.

It hardly comes as a surprise that Canadian government officials and their PR flaks to have sought to deceive the public while carrying out their nefarious dealings in Haiti. Yet the government has received help in this endeavour from some unlikely sources: various self-denoted “left” or “progressive” NGOs have misrepresented the causes of the human rights disaster in Haiti and ignored Canada’s intervention almost completely, thus becoming complicit, wittingly or not, in the government’s “perception management” operations. Pierre Beaudet’s Rabble.ca piece “Haiti: Where should the left stand?” defending his organization Alternatives’ position on Haiti is but the most recent example. While his distortions of Haiti’s history since 1995 (especially concerning the 2000 elections and after) are significant, it is Beaudet’s assessment of the present that we will look at here.

Beaudet seriously minimizes the ruthless violence of the interim government and its Canadian-trained police force, devoting all of one sentence to the repression of Lavalas and voicing only tepid opposition to it. Moreover, Beaudet prefaces his trite reference to the anti-Lavalas witch hunt with the discredited notion of Aristide using “hard nosed gangs” to “create havoc”, implicitly laying the blame on the victims. Indeed, the Lavalas movement is portrayed as little more than a gang of criminals and drug runners in Beaudet’s article. Yet the depth of support Lavalas continues to enjoy belies such characterizations. First of all, the large majority of Lavalas’ base is located in the countryside, where at least 65% of the population lives. Rural Haiti is not exactly the preserve of ganglords and drug dealers, as Dr. Paul Farmer, renowned for his work against AIDS, malaria and TB in the Central Plateau and other parts of Haiti, explains: “I personally, in all my years in Haiti, have never once seen a peasant with a gun. And almost all of the ones around these parts are members of Famni Lavalas (Aristide's party). Now I've tended to many gunshot wounds, but they've been inflicted by former soldiers, police, or people who have cars to drive - not peasants.” In the cities, Lavalas has mobilized tens of thousands of people for demonstrations many times since the coup, despite the (frequently realized) threat of police using gunfire to break up protests. Even observers as hostile as the American and Canadian embassies have acknowledged that Lavalas is still the most popular political movement in Haiti.

While rhetorically opposing imperialism, Beaudet’s actual critique of the foreign powers’ current involvement in Haiti boils down to an accusation of malign neglect: Canada has not been “generous” enough with its aid policies and the international community have failed to “clean the mess” in Haiti as promised. Yet UN troops have been trying to “clean the mess” by carrying out frequent raids into pro-Lavalas slums, with deadly consequences for the population, and contrary to Beaudet’s belief, Canada has been extremely generous to the de facto Haitian government it helped install. What is Beaudet’s criticism of Gerard Latortue’s government, an exceedingly corrupt and undemocratic administration that is repressing its political opponents on a massive scale and reordering Haiti’s economy along neoliberal lines? Merely that it has been “ineffective”.

The hypocrisy (and serviceability to power) of this stance is worth noting: Aristide was accused of having these very same flaws (undemocratic, corrupt, neoliberal) and received unrelenting condemnation from NGOs such as Alternatives, yet no such opprobrium is forthcoming from Beaudet when it comes to the U.S./Canada puppet regime. Indeed, Beaudet seems more interested in talking about “the crimes that everyone knew Aristide had committed,” than about the serious and ongoing crimes of Canada and the interim government, crimes for which we, as Canadian citizens, hold far more responsibility.

In short, Aristide is not the issue; Canada’s role as a junior partner to U.S. imperialism is the issue.


www.outofhaiti.ca