Thursday, November 01, 2012

Watching Disaster Land from the Disaster Lands

Living Differently

by Cathy Breen

Najaf, Iraq - For the past three days I have been trying to get news of the situation in our houses on the lower East side of Manhattan, where the flooding from hurricane Sandy was especially heavy. I pictured the worst. As a good portion of Maryhouse is subterranean—the whole dining area and kitchen for example-- I imagined the cellar and ground floor underwater! We have folks who are elderly and infirm, even an older frail resident who speaks no English. I pictured them frightened and in darkness! On internet news I read “Don’t think if you boil the water it is safe to drink it.”

This morning, Wednesday, I am getting the first news from home. The electricity is down, but there was no flooding! Moreover, they were even able to serve a meal, albeit in a somewhat darkened house, to a handful of women who came to us. I can’t tell you how grateful and relieved I am for this news!

I was in Baghdad last Sunday, the 28th of October, and hadn’t even heard of hurricane Sandy until I opened email on Monday morning to read that a couple of friends were going to stay at our home because of the impending storm! What storm I asked myself.

The lack of news and the anxiety it caused me these last days, took me back to the time we were in Baghdad during “Shock and Awe.” What must it have been like for those back home with little to no information about our well-being? One always imagines the worst. In many ways I think it was harder for those far away.

I know I was alarmed, thousands of miles away, by the pictures I saw in the news. I wonder what the thoughts were in people’s minds and hearts as the water levels began to rise, and they didn’t know what would happen.

As you might have heard, the explosions and bombings, in Baghdad especially, continue. Last Saturday fifty-three persons were killed, and on Sunday another twenty four people died. I would wager to say that when they arose that morning they didn’t know it would be their last day.

It is almost ten years since the U.S.-led war against Iraq. The electricity keeps going off here and all throughout the country. Sami, whose family is hosting me in Najaf, remarked yesterday with no ill intent, “Maybe we could send them some of our electricity!” We had to laugh.

I read another email this morning from an Iraqi friend of Sami’s whom we were unable to see in Basra. He spoke about the lack of electricity and the high humidity in Basra, where temperatures reached almost 50 degrees Centigrade last summer (about 120 degrees Fahrenheit), and this was during the fasting month of Ramadan when no water, or food, is taken from dawn to dusk. “How is it” this friend asks “that the U.S. has poured billions of dollars into Iraq and yet there was no project for a [national] electrical power station to help cool temperatures and calm temperaments that went along with the political instability, the insecurity and the sectarian killings…?”


The oppressive heat has eased now in Basra, Baghdad and Najaf. Winter is around the corner. The waters have subsided in New Jersey, Coney Island and Manhattan. Will we live differently today than we did yesterday? Will we be more mindful of our own mortality and fragility? More mindful of our interconnectedness with the larger human family? Mindful that even our smallest act has far-reaching consequences.

For some reason we have been granted another day.







 

Cathy Breen (newsfromcathy@yahoo.com) co-coordinates Voices for Creative Nonviolence. (vcnv.org) She will be writing about her visits to several communities in Iraq during the next several weeks.

Marketizing Disaster: The Romney Plan to Capitalize Havoc


Romney Wants to Privatize Disaster Relief

by TRNN

Romney Wants to Privatize Disaster Relief Bill Black Financial and Fraud Report: Romney plan for smaller federal government and privatization is a way to make private profit from crisis


Watch full multipart The Black Financial and Fraud Report

William K. Black, author of THE BEST WAY TO ROB A BANK IS TO OWN ONE, teaches economics and law at the University of Missouri � Kansas City (UMKC). He was the Executive Director of the Institute for Fraud Prevention from 2005-2007. He has taught previously at the LBJ School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas at Austin and at Santa Clara University, where he was also the distinguished scholar in residence for insurance law and a visiting scholar at the Markkula Center for Applied Ethics. Black was litigation director of the Federal Home Loan Bank Board, deputy director of the FSLIC, SVP and general counsel of the Federal Home Loan Bank of San Francisco, and senior deputy chief counsel, Office of Thrift Supervision. He was deputy director of the National Commission on Financial Institution Reform, Recovery and Enforcement. Black developed the concept of "control fraud" � frauds in which the CEO or head of state uses the entity as a "weapon." Control frauds cause greater financial losses than all other forms of property crime combined. He recently helped the World Bank develop anti-corruption initiatives and served as an expert for OFHEO in its enforcement action against Fannie Mae's former senior management.

Wednesday, October 31, 2012


The Tribes of New York: Back to the future?

Mickey Z. -- World News Trust


Oct. 31, 2012

“I don’t know how to save the world. I don’t have the answers or The Answer. I hold no secret knowledge as to how to fix the mistakes of generations past and present. I only know that without compassion and respect for all of Earth’s inhabitants, none of us will survive -- nor will we deserve to.”

- Leonard Peltier

As the effects of Hurricane Sandy left much of lower Manhattan (and elsewhere) in the dark, I couldn’t help but recall the events -- and lessons -- of Aug. 14, 2003: the day/night of the Eastern seaboard’s most recent major blackout.

When the blackout of '03 dimmed the mighty skyline, I could suddenly see stars... zillions of them blinking at me from beyond the unlit skyscrapers. Traffic lights were out of commission, but to the southeast, Mars provided the only red light we really needed.

By coincidence, our crimson neighbor was closer to Earth than ever before and the power outage gave us Easterners an excellent view of Mars's southern hemisphere from a mere 34.6 million miles away.

Still, even with the stars twinkling above and little green Martians close enough to reach out and shake my hand, it was when I returned my gaze back down to the streets that I truly couldn't believe my eyes. That clammy evening, one could witness a sight even more uncommon than any celestial spectacle.

Across the darkened city, Big Apple denizens stopped hustling. They sat still and talked to each other. No computers, no televisions, practically no telephones... just face-to-face communication (even if it was too dark at times to actually see faces).

Huddled around flickering candles and eating food before it could spoil, longtime Astoria neighbors introduced themselves, discovering similarities and answering the question of the day: "Where were you when the lights went out?"

This unforeseen solidarity was accomplished without the assistance of e-mails, texts, or tweets. Money didn't change hands, no cell phone radiation was emitted, no air was conditioned. Under a sky full of stars and a visiting red space-mate, it was possible to encounter the sort of life we may have evolved to live back in the "caveman" days.

Our modern caves, the subterranean tunnels of transportation known as "the subway," were empty but the concrete jungle above them might as well have been the Savannah. The tribes of Astoria sat around fires -- sharing food and communal stories. Some even beat on drums.

In times like this, it's easier to appreciate that we each possess a physiology that evolved to negotiate the Stone Age. Here lies the rub: we live in the Space Age. We are urban cavemen... overmatched in our daily crusade to navigate an artificial reality because we’ve lost contact with our primal instincts.

For one thing, we likely didn't evolve to be surrounded by this many people. Thus, in our futile search for a manageable tribe, we preserve our attention for a handful of fellow humans. What's vexing is how to deal with the millions not in our tribe... but still in our face. Subsequently, we inventive mortals have cultivated the ability to hastily disregard non-tribe members.

"In the busy streets, you develop human traffic skills of amazing dexterity," writes zoologist Desmond Morris. "In crowded buses, trains, and elevators, you acquire a blank stare. You have eyes only for those you know. This enables you to enjoy the varied delights of the big city while mentally re-creating a personal tribe existence."

But what happens when those streets aren't busy... like, say, during the worst blackout in U.S. history? We may have eyes only for those we know, but what about when it's too shadowy to tell the difference?

With our vision impaired enough to create the illusion of intimacy and our vaunted technology no longer at our overworked fingertips, we are gifted with a taste of a potentially different culture. Sure, things returned to "normal" when power was restored, but the experience left some of us wondering just what "normal" means.

The last time Mars got as close to Earth as it was in 2003 was some 60,000 years ago... an age when stars were easy to find and one could cause a blackout simply by dousing the fire.

The extraterrestrial lady in red will once again be 34,646,418.5 miles away in a mere 284 years. I wonder what kind of earthly culture will be there to greet her.

***

Mickey Z. is the author of 11 books, most recently the novel Darker Shade of Green. Until the laws are changed or the power runs out, he can be found on an obscure website called Facebook.

© WorldNewsTrust.com -- Share and re-post this story. Please include this copyright notice and a link to World News Trust.

The Man Who...Libya and November


Who Lost the World? The Curious Case of How Libya Became an Election Issue

 by Ira Chernus


Who lost Libya? Indeed, who lost the entire Middle East? Those are the questions lurking behind the endless stream of headlines about “Benghazi-gate.” Here’s the question we should really ask, though: How did a tragic but isolated incident at a U.S. consulate, in a place few Americans had ever heard of, get blown up into a pivotal issue in a too-close-to-call presidential contest?

My short answer: the enduring power of a foreign policy myth that will not die, the decades-old idea that America has an inalienable right to “own” the world and control every place in it. I mean, you can’t lose what you never had.

This campaign season teaches us how little has changed since the early Cold War days when Republican stalwarts screamed, “Who lost China?” More than six decades later, it’s still surprisingly easy to fill the political air with anxiety by charging that we’ve “lost” a country or, worse yet, a whole region that we were somehow supposed to “have.”

The “Who lost...?” formula is something like a magic trick. There’s no way to grasp how it works until you take your eyes away from those who are shouting alarms and look at what’s going on behind the scenes.

Who’s in Charge Here?

The curious case of the incident in Benghazi was full of surprises from the beginning. It was the rare pundit who didn’t assure us that voters wouldn’t care a whit about foreign affairs this year. It was all going to be “the economy, stupid,” 24/7. And if foreign issues did create a brief stir, surely the questions would be about Afghanistan, Pakistan, or China.

Yet for weeks, the deaths of the U.S. Ambassador to Libya, J. Christopher Stevens, and three other Americans became the rallying cry of the campaign to unseat Barack Obama. What made this even more surprising: when news of the tragedy first broke, it appeared to be stillborn as a political issue.

The day after the attack on the consulate, as the news about the killings was just coming out, Mitt Romney rushed to blast his opponent: “American leadership is necessary to ensure that events in the region don’t spin out of control.” A president must show “resolve in our might” and a readiness to use “overwhelming force.” Barack Obama had failed on all these counts, Romney charged, and the deaths in Benghazi proved it.

The Republican presidential candidate was duly blasted in return for “politicizing” the incident. It seemed like almost everyone chimed in critically. Even longtime Republican stalwart Ed Rogers wrote that “Romney stumbled,” while “the president said the right things and had the right tone.”

Romney never retracted anything he said on that first day -- and somehow the same words, once scorned as unfitting and “unpresidential,” were mysteriously transformed into powerful arguments against reelecting the incumbent. A month later, a new story dominated the headlines: Romney’s criticisms on Libya were now said to be hitting the target, changing the dynamic, playing a major role in his campaign’s resurgence.

This change of tune surely reflected in part the media’s primal need for a close presidential contest to keep the public’s interest. At the time of the Libyan incident it was generally agreed that Obama was beginning to pull ahead in the race, potentially decisively, and anything that might boost Romney’s chance was undoubtedly welcome on an editor’s desk.

No matter how hard editors try, though, some stories just don’t stick. But the Libya story stuck. It struck a chord somewhere in the hearts and minds of a lot of Americans. You have to wonder why.

A big part of the answer lies in the power of the key words in Romney’s first statement: “might” and “control.” His strategists grasped a fundamental truth of American politics: The public has an endless appetite for gripping stories about challenges to America’s global might and its right to control the world. So they doubled down and sent their man out to tell the story again.

In his first major foreign policy speech, Romney absolved his opponent of any direct responsibility for the four American deaths, but he pilloried Obama for a far more grievous sin. By a wild leap of imagination, he turned this one incident into the spearhead of a vast assault on America: “Our embassies have been attacked. Our flag has been burned… Our nation was attacked.”

The president’s job is to protect us by dominating our enemies, the challenger proclaimed. It’s our consistent record of victory as well as our values that make America “exceptional” -- and on Obama’s watch, as the incident in Benghazi proved, America and its exceptionalism had gone down for the count.

This was not simply an exaggerated indictment of presidential “weakness.” As he had on that first day, Romney was again raising a question even more crucial to any popular narrative of American foreign policy: Who’s in charge here?

After all, what’s the point of being the global superpower if not to keep control of events around the world? As Romney put it succinctly: “It is the responsibility of our President to use America’s great power to shape history.” And on that most crucial count, he insisted, Obama had failed dismally and a U.S. ambassador had paid for that failing with his life.

A Bipartisan Mythology


The debates gave Romney a chance to sharpen his attack. In the second of them, Obama deftly deflected the charges about Libya (though he never actually answered them). By the time the third debate rolled around, Romney’s strategists apparently saw no benefit and lots of risk in pressing the Libyan question. But they still saw plenty of benefit in keeping the broader issue alive. So Romney rushed past Libya, saying, “We’ve seen in nation after nation a number of disturbing events.”

He built his case using fearful images: “I see the Middle East with a rising tide of violence, chaos, tumult... You see al-Qaeda rushing in.” Power in Washington needed to be restored to the right hands so that, wearing “the mantle of leadership,” the U.S. could “help the Middle East” turn back “the rising tide of tumult and confusion” and subdue the terrorists.

Translation: For decades nearly all the governments in the Middle East, the energy heartlands of the planet, were our allies (more precisely, our clients, though that word was never used in polite company). We could build up their militaries, support their autocratic regimes, and count on them to quell any expressions of anti-American sentiment. Now, under Obama, this crucial area of the world, once well under our thumb, was spinning out of control. Lose control by failing to exercise our might and we lose our safety.

Strength, control, and national security are all parts of the same package; nothing matters more to America -- and Obama was letting it all go down the drain. So the Republican story went (with copious document leaks on the Libyan “cover-up” and the like from Congress). What had been considered an Obama strong suit -- he was, after all, the man who took out Osama bin Laden -- suddenly seemed to have been trumped.

The Democrats actually responded by putting out a remarkably similar story about (as the president termed it in the third debate) “strong, steady leadership,” which, they claimed, was preventing the Middle East from spinning out of control. In other words, we hadn’t really lost Libya at all. But that was the only point in dispute.

The debate between Republicans and Democrats wasn’t about goals in the Middle East, where support for autocratic friends like Saudi Arabia and Bahrain is assumed, and both sides agree on the need for democratic elections, religious pluralism, a free press, empowering women, strengthening free enterprise capitalism, and destroying Islamist terrorists.

More broadly, both sides agree, as they have for decades, that Washington’s overriding foreign policy goal must be to shape history, control the world, and make it mirror American values and serve American interests. This mythic vision of American foreign policy is a rare example of long-term bipartisan consensus.

When I call it myth, I don’t mean it’s a lie. I mean it’s a foundational narrative of American power that expresses our most basic assumptions about the world, a story in which every nation on the planet is, theoretically, ours to lose.

To most Americans (though not to much of the rest of the world), this narrative does not reflect sheer hubris and intoxication with imperial power. It’s just good common sense. Throughout our history, at the heart of the dominant national mythology has been the assumption that the U.S. should be the world’s “locomotive” and all the other nations “the caboose” (as President Harry Truman’s Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, once said). The reason for this was simple (at least to Americans): we were the first and greatest nation founded on the universal moral truths that are supposedly self-evident to any reasonable person.

Sure, controlling the world would serve our self-interest in all sorts of tangible ways. However, our primary self-interest, so the myth maintains, always was and always will be the moral improvement -- perhaps even perfection -- of the entire world. By serving ourselves we serve all humanity.

The Fiercest Political Battle of All


The only question worth debating, then, is how we can use our preponderant power and wealth most shrewdly to maintain effective control. Most Americans expect their president to know the answer. At the same time, most Americans worry that he might not. A more recent pillar of the bipartisan narrative, the myth of homeland insecurity, suggests the opposite.

According to that myth, no matter how much military strength we have or control we exert, there is always “a rising tide of tumult” somewhere that threatens our national security. At every moment, somewhere in the world, we have something crucial to lose. The name of the threat can change with surprising ease. But the peril must always be there. It’s essential to the story.

And that story, in turn, is now essential to every presidential contest. As New York Times columnist Maureen Dowd once wrote, “Every election has the same narrative: Can the strong father protect the house from invaders?” (Think of Ronald Reagan and the Iran captivity tale or George W. Bush and 9/11.) If one candidate is the incumbent, the question becomes: Has he been a strong enough father to control the world and thereby protect the house?

Every challenger plays on that anxiety, picking the most obvious or convenient example of the day as a hook on which to hang the perennial charges of weakness and peril. Since the “Who lost China?” days, Republicans have played this card especially skillfully.

This year it seemed that a Democrat who “surged” in Afghanistan, killed bin Laden, and personally ran a drone assassination campaign from the White House had, for once, successfully protected his right flank against the predictable GOP attack. Then fate sent the Libyan killings to the Romney campaign, the newsrooms, and a big portion of the American public. Give Romney’s people credit: they sensed the opportunity from day one.

Mitt had to demand “Who lost Libya?” and then transform it into “Who lost the Middle East?” -- not merely to boost his chances but because a big slice of the public yearns for such a “debate.” After all, every time the question of “Who lost [fill in the blank]?” arises, it reaffirms both the reassuring promise that we deserve to control the world and the disturbing anxiety that we might lose what is rightly ours.

What was, for all its tragic dimensions, a minor event in Libya became a central campaign issue because it proved to be this season’s code word for the whole mythological package. For many Americans, the deepest reassurance may come simply from sensing that our traditional mythology -- the familiar lens through which we view our nation and its role in the world -- is still intact.

On the horizon, though, we can dimly see a new question rising: How much longer can this mythology survive? It suffered a major wound in the Vietnam War era, when the fantasy of global control was rudely punctured by reality. That wound has been ripped open again by fruitless wars and conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere.

Now, there are so many unsettling changes around the world that we can’t predict, much less control, them. Soon enough -- perhaps by 2020, or even 2016 -- the political battle cry may be: “Who lost the world?”

It’s even possible to imagine that someday Americans will engage in the debate we really need -- about choosing a new paradigm for foreign policy that fits today’s world, where the fantasy of global control has become irrelevant because the facts so obviously contradict it, as American power declines while other nations steadily gain strength.

Don’t expect the old mythology to disappear quietly, though. Old myth versus new myth is the fiercest political battle of all.




Ira Chernus is Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Colorado at Boulder, a TomDispatch regular, and author of “Mythic America: Essays.” He blogs at MythicAmerica.us.

Follow TomDispatch on Twitter @TomDispatch and join us on Facebook.

Copyright 2012 Ira Chernus

Cohen Report Gets Tough on Fish Farms

 

Justice Cohen Gets Tough on Fish Farms

by Damien Gillis - The Canadian.org

Justice Bruce Cohen focused much of his attention on salmon farms at the brief press conference he gave on the release of the final report from the Inquiry he's led into disappearing sockeye over the past two years.

Cohen highlighted several key recommendations to protect wild salmon from open net pen aquaculture operations, including:

1. Removing the promotion of aquaculture from DFO's mandate, which he found conflicts with the department's responsibility to protect wild salmon;

2. Prioritizing the health of wild salmon over suitability for aquaculture when siting farms;

3.Conducting more research into diseases that may be impacting wild salmon;

4. Properly implementing the Precautionary Principle and removing farms in the Discovery Islands region (noted as particularly dangerous to migrating salmon runs) should more definitive evidence come to bear demonstrating they can safely coexist with wild fish.



The full commission report can be downloaded here.


Damien Gillis is a Vancouver-based documentary filmmaker with a focus on environmental and social justice issues - especially relating to water, energy, and saving Canada's wild salmon.

Wild Salmon Campaigner, Staniford Files Cross-Appeal in Cermaq Case


Cross-Appeal Filed Vs Cermaq!

by GAAIA


Don Staniford has now filed a cross-appeal in the ongoing legal battle Vs. the Norwegian giant Cermaq (download online here).Cross Appeal #3
"You can't appeal the truth," said Staniford speaking from the UK where he is set to embark on a tour of Norwegian-owned salmon farms in Scotland & Ireland.  "The Norwegian Government's shameless attempt to abuse the Canadian courts to muzzle global criticism of the salmon farming industry is doomed to failure." 
Don Stop Nowegian fish farms flag
"The longer Cermaq pursues this SLAPP suit the more the entire industry is tarred with the same brush and caught in the cross-fire.  The fact is that salmon farming kills all around the world and, like cigarettes, should carry a global health warning.  Cermaq should stop fighting a losing legal battle and start relocating disease-ridden salmon farms away from wild salmon.  For the sake of our global ocean, our children's health and the health of our environment, we should stub out salmon farming from the face of the blue planet."
  Cross Appeal #1
Cross Appeal #2

On 15 October 2012, Cermaq's lawyers in Canada appealed their embarrassing defeat in the Supreme Court of British Columbia.
Appeal Notice with Don #1
Read the 'Notice of Appeal' - online here Read Justice Adair's judgment (28 September 2012) online here

Don with stickers after lawsuit victory with halo
"Mainstream Canada and their parent company Cermaq have once again ignored the first rule of PR: when in a hole stop digging," commented Don Staniford (15 October).  "Cermaq's knee-jerk reaction to appeal is yet another case of this multi-million dollar company shooting itself in the foot.  Common sense is clearly not a currency this Norwegian-owned multinational is used to dealing in"

For more details visit GAAIA's web-site
Read more background via "Cermaq Like A Cancer Grows - The Sound of Cermaq's SLAPP"

3 pack shareholders criminal free speech

Romney to Face Ethics Complaint Over Undisclosed Auto-Bailout Billions


UAW FilesEthics Charge on Ronmey Auto-Bailout Profiteering

via GregPalast.com


Unions, Good Government Groups to File Ethics Complaint Against Romney For Failing To Disclose His Big Auto Rescue Profit

Groups Urge Office of Government Ethics to Make Romney Disclose or Divest

WASHINGTON – A coalition of community, labor and good-government organizations is calling on the U.S. Office of Government Ethics to investigate GOP presidential candidate Mitt Romney for noncompliance with the Ethics in Government Act and compel him to either disclose his investments or divest them.

“The American people have a right to know about Gov. Romney’s potential conflicts of interest, such as the profits his family made from the auto rescue,” said UAW President Bob King. “It’s time for Gov. Romney to disclose or divest.”

In a Nation magazine cover story, investigative reporter Greg Palast reported that the Romney family personally profited (http://www.thenation.com/article/170644/mitt-romneys-bailout-bonanza)  by at least $15.3 million from the auto loans of 2009 through his investment in the Delphi Corp. auto parts company. Yet Romney’s June 1, 2012, Public Financial Disclosure Report to the Office of Government Ethics did not reveal this windfall because he did not disclose the underlying holdings of his private equity and limited partnership funds.

“While Romney was opposing the rescue of one of the nation’s most important manufacturing sectors, he was building his fortunes with his Delphi investor group, making his fortunes off the misfortunes of others,” King added.

The groups sending the complaint letter, including SEIU, UAW, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, Public Citizen, Public Campaign, People for the American Way and The Social Equity Group, believe that Romney’s undisclosed stock holdings create serious conflicts of interest. They point to the auto rescue as a key example.


 http://us4.campaign-archive2.com/?u=33e4ec877eed6a43863a4a92e&id=ced6ae4254&e=eae7468d1d



Here are details of a joint news conference to be held Thursday in Toledo, Ohio:

WHO:            UAW President Bob King

SEIU Executive Vice President Tom Woodruff

Investigative reporter Greg Palast, author of “Mitt Romney's Bailout Bonanza,” The Nation and “Billionaires & Ballot Bandits: How to Steal an Election in 9 Easy Steps”

Delphi workers


WHAT:         News conference on Mitt Romney’s conflicts of interest with his investments, including his profiting from the auto bailout


WHERE:       UAW Local 12

2300 Ashland Ave Toledo, Ohio


WHEN:         Thursday, Nov. 1, 2pm



For more information contact Julia Wouk: (mailto:JWouk@boothmedia.com?subject=Toledo%20press%20conference)

============================================================

Greg Palast is the author of the New York Times bestsellers The Best Democracy Money Can Buy, Armed Madhouse and Palast's brand new NYT bestseller : How to Steal an Election in 9 Easy Steps

To Catch an Election Thief


Easy Ways to Steal an Election

by TRNN

Easy Ways to Steal an Election Greg Palast, author of Billionaires & Ballot Bandits: How to Steal an Election in 9 Easy Steps reveals vote stealing methodology



Greg Palast is a BBC investigative reporter and author of Vultures' Picnic. Palast turned his skills to journalism after two decades as a top investigator of corporate fraud. Palast directed the U.S. governmentʼs largest racketeering case in history– winning a $4.3 billion jury award. He also conducted the investigation of fraud charges in the Exxon Valdez grounding.

Watch full multipart Easy Ways to Steal an Election

Tuesday, October 30, 2012

Of Rigths and Responsibilty: Canada's 19th Century Penal Attitude



A Conversation about Entitlements and Agitations in a Provincial Prison

 by Alex Hundert - Narrative Resistance


Recently while we were enduring yet another lock-down at the Central North Correctional Centre (CNCC), one of the most decent guards here came to the door of my cell. “Let’s go for a walk,” they said. I was taken to a room with all three of the guards that were on duty. “Don’t worry,” one of them reassured me, “we are not here to gang up on you,” they claimed.

Based on the conversation I had with them it seems that the guards don’t appreciate it when they receive messages to the staff who are screening my mail, in the margins of the letters written to me, even when those messages are no more than requests for information about the mail policies here. I told them that while I do understand the need for security protocols, most people will not like knowing their personal correspondence is being read by security. It is just a little too Orwellian for some.

It would seem that the guards don’t like the pen-pal project that we have been working to establish between prisons at the CNCC and the Vanier Centre for Women. Apparently, they tell me, some of the prisoners here are “pretty bad guys” (and therefore must not recieve any mail one must suppose).

And it seems the guards do not appreciate when I try to bring arguments about policy directly to prison management; for example when I ask to talk to managers about the “arbitrary application of rules here.”

And it seems they also don’t like it when people call into the facility to ask questions about policy and practices; like why are we locked out of our own cells all day now, or questions about mail delivery, or about books. As one of them explained, as far as they are concerned with regards to what happens inside this place “frankly it’s none of the public’s business.” They may even believe that. However it is indeed the “public’s business” because “the public” is in fact complicit in everything that happens here. But while the guards may not like it when prisoners and the public create pressure for more dignified and less indecent treatment in these places, whether they like it or not, it seems to work. I guess that’s why they decided it was time for a conversation – in an attempt to make it stop.



Since the beginning of my prison sentence I have been working to secure access to books for prisoners locked away in these warehouses. And since I started taking this on there has been some change (in large part I think because of pressure implemented by friends and family, from community agencies and through media). While the situation has improved – it is still far from good enough – there are actually more severe problems here. There is a gradual erosion of living standards for imprisoned people, which will only continue to decline as austerity measures cut per-prisoner spending (which includes even more chronic understaffing). There is also the more fundamental problem that such institutions exist in the first place.

I was going to write a fourth instalment of No Books for Prisoners detailing the success and ongoing struggles to regularize access to books here and at other provincial prisons and I will include some updates on that. But I feel that talking about attempts to silence dissent and halt organizing are both more subversive to, and a better window on, the oppressive nature that operates in these places.

Now most of the “agitation” I have undertaken while I have been in prison fits into a box appropriately labeled “reformist.” It has been fighting for access – predominantly a ‘rights’ and ‘entitlement’ discourse. While it may intuitively seem to the contrary, there is very little opportunity for insurrectionary action that is in any way sustainable or radical organizing that is in any way structural. The options one might find in longer term incarceratory facilities simply do not exist here. I have been doing what I can based on the duration I expect to be here and given what can plausibly be accomplished. But I want to recognize and name theoretical caveats.

First I want to name that the notion of “entitlement” is a corner stone of privilege and not something I would want to ideologically reinforce. Second, the notion of “rights”, I find inherently implies a central authority that must grant or recognize individual or collective “rights.”

In theory I prefer moving from a concept of rights to one of responsibilities. One thing this concept does is to frame the egregiousness of imprisonment less as an infringement of our state-sanctioned rights and more as a denial of our ability to fulfill our responsibilities to our communities. But while it is a form of a resistance in here for us to find ways to continue to fulfill human responsibilities, because of the nature of these institutions, one of those responsibilities is to fight for the recognition of “rights for prisoners”, and this is the primary means by which one can improve the material conditions for others in these places.



It would seem that some of the low level agitation I have been engaging in has been somewhat effective. The fact that they want it all to stop attests to that.

I was told by the guards that it is not actually in prisoners’ best interests to have practices implemented in accordance with policy here. For example, it turns out we are only “entitled” to 20 minutes of yard-time a day as opposed to the 45 – 60 we are typically afforded. We are also not “entitled” to put pictures up in our cells or to make weights (for exercising) from stacks of old magazines or use pop bottles (ordered from canteen) to drink water out of. They suggested that if I continue agitating, all this will be taken away from everyone and inmates would know that I was to blame – the guards knowing and acknowledging that would put my health and safety in jeopardy.

Now I’ve never been one to worry much about my own personal safety, however, the reason I am telling this story instead of advocating or agitating further against the “arbitrary application of rules,” or for things that we are or should be “entitled to,” is because it is clear to me that there is not a sentiment amongst inmates that we are willing to risk “privileges” (weight bags and yard time) in a fight for “rights” and “entitlements” (let alone over library access and mail policy). Writing this piece seems like an appropriate compromise for now.



For the first three months I was locked up on this sentence, I did not see a library cart come to any range on any unit in either of the prisons in which I was held. This has now changed. Here at the CNCC, on Unit 5 the book cart has now come around 3 times in the past 6 weeks. Additionally, I have become able to receive books sent in from the outside delivered to me with almost no delay now. This is not insignificant. That said, I cannot also say that the same rights have been extended to other prisoners here. Similarly, I have heard that other units do not enjoy the same access to library books that we have achieved.

Last month several guys where transferred to our range from the Toronto West Detention Center (TWDC) in Rexdale, where I was held when I wrote the initial instalment of No Books for Prisoners. They tell me that almost immediately after I was shipped out – which (perhaps coincidently) happened just after I wrote my piece, as well as a letter to the superintendent there – the library cart at the West finally started moving again. Now at the TWDC books come to the ranges regularly and the jail no longer prevents prisoners from receiving books sent from the outside.

Despite the fact that, as I reported in No Books for Prisoners – Part 3, the Ministry of Community Safety and Correctional Services refused to fund a paid part-time librarian there. The jail has since brought on a volunteer to fill that role.

Here not only is there access to a library – at the West it is just a closet with books in it or so I have heard – but I have actually been there too (once) and found myself pleasantly surprised by both the quantity and quality of books (in contrast to what I have been led to expect by some other people imprisoned here). I came back with books by Rohinton Mistry, Isabel Allende and Jean-Paul Sartre.

Despite all this though, what really stands out as exceptional, is the fact that only prisoners enrolled in the education program here – run by the Simcoe county board of education, not the prison – are allowed to go to the library ever. I would have thought that (from any political prospective) people not taking classes would be those that a so-called correctional center would be most interested in encouraging to read.

There is allegedly a literacy program here too, supposedly run by volunteers, however neither I nor anyone else I have spoken to have ever seen any sign of this program ever running.



In my recent conversation with the guards one of them mentioned that from their vantage point I’ve “won” the fight for access to books. But while the cart is moving well again on our unit, and I am able to get books sent in, and I’ve been “hired” as the unit librarian, there is nothing to say that other prisoners or other units have the same access. There is nothing to say that any of this change has been regularized by the prison (and I should note that would be something out of the hands of the guards on our unit anyway).

At first when I was writing the piece that was to be called No Books for Prisoners – Part 4, I was going to encourage people to call the prison en-masse to put pressure on the institution to regularize access to books for all people imprisoned here. But after the threat was made to take away things that prisoners care more about than books, I have decided not to publicize the phone number.

That conversation with the guards was not as mean-spirited as I may have made it sound. Actually, it was quite cordial. There were even points of agreement. I want to suggest that the guards are not the problem. A couple of them are quite nice and friendly to me, and most of them are fair and relatively respectful and professional. The problem – what is undignified, indecent and oppressive – is the system, the structure, and the role in which they are employed. I do not have a personal grudge against any of the guards who partook in this conversation. But I cannot allow that to be a reason not to speak about it.

One thing the guards were correct about is that what we are technically “entitled to” according to the Ministry of Correctional Services Act in many cases is even less than that which we are afforded in practice. One thing on which we were in agreement is that the “rights” of provincial prisoners are minimal when compared to those of federal inmates. It is as if we have an entirely different and sub-standard set of “human rights” here.

After that conversation I decided that instead of encouraging people to call this facility (in case the guards were not bluffing) I would instead encourage people to direct inquiries and complaints to the Minister of Community Safety and Correctional Services, Madeleine Meilleur, or to their local MPP (at least for people who believe in doing such things – others, as always, I’d encourage to do as they see fit). I was going to suggest that people ask why it is that provincial prisoners are not “entitled” to the same basic “rights” as federal inmates. However now that provincial parliament has been prorogued, I’m not certain there will be anyone in MPP administrative offices to talk to. So much for democracy.



For my part my next post is going to be based on a roundtable I’m conducting with several convicts who have much more experience in the incarceration system than I have. It will be about differences between conditions in federal and provincial prisons. Maybe by than I’Il even have been able to get access to the Ministry of Correctional Services Act – the legislation that governs this place – so I can compare it to the Canada Correction Act, which governs federal Institutions. Over a month ago I made a formal request to see it, but of course to no avail. After all, this place is just a warehouse, why should I be “entitled” to see the rules?

Now all this talk of entitlement, rights and rules is, as I have suggested, somewhat antithetical to much of what I believe about (anti) prison politics and political resistance in general. I have a tremendous amount of respect for abolitionist perspectives and those who advocate the destruction of the prison system. However I firmly insist that we have a superseding responsibility to support and to struggle for better material conditions for those ensnared by a system that we have thus far not abolished or fundamentally and radically altered. Sometimes that means engaging with the system, compromising and fighting for reforms, which does not negate revolutionary struggle for more radical goals.



POSTSCRIPT: The pen-pal project we have been working on is something that already exists as a program run by the institutions in the federal system. I’d like to suggest that while the mentality fostered amongst the staff here tells them that the people imprisoned in this place do not deserve mail – that mentality being one of the fundamental problematics of the provincial system – what is in fact at the root of it, is that they do not want us to self-determine the terms of, and organize for, our own needs. This system does not want us to recreate a service that we might otherwise depend on them for. They need us to be dependent because that is a big factor in how they control us. And this is a microcosm of State and otherwise centralized power and authority more generally too.

But we can provide for ourselves, even in here, we can still find ways to be independent of their system, and to self-determine the terms for provision of our own needs. After they do not grant me parole, I will seek more opportunities for this kind of radical organizing inside this prison warehouse system.

Worse than NAFTA: Back to the Future on Canada-China "Trade" Agreement

 

Canada-China Trade Deal and the Lack of Voter Mechanisms

by Peter Ewart - News 250


The Harper government is ramming through legislation regarding the Canada-China Investment Agreement (FIPPA). It is doing so despite widespread opposition from the other parties in parliament, as well as broad sections of the Canadian people.

It appears to many that this investment agreement will further undermine national and provincial sovereignty, as well as democratic processes, and will increase the power of multinational corporations over the interests of both the people of Canada and the people of China. Indeed, in that respect, the agreement (and the pending free trade agreement with the EU) could be worse than NAFTA on a number of fronts.

But the nature of this agreement aside, the actions of the Harper government in sidelining parliament and barreling the legislation through with almost no debate, exposes a serious gap in Canadian political life. There are no established mechanisms by which the Canadian people can directly express their will about important issues like FIPPA except through voting once every four years.

At the present time, many individuals and organizations are mobilizing to stop this investment treaty from going through, or at least create a space for some debate about it in Parliament. They are doing this through circulating petitions, writing letters to MPs, and so on. But the fact is that these methods, while certainly worthwhile, do not have the power of an actual electoral mechanism that empowers the citizenry at the federal level. Under present electoral arrangements, nothing can stop Harper, as prime minister, from pushing the treaty through.

However, one province - British Columbia - actually has an electoral mechanism for its citizens that could be useful in this regard, i.e. the Initiative & Recall legislation. It was through this legislation (imperfect and difficult to use as it is presently constituted) that the unpopular Harmonized Sales Tax (HST) imposed by the Campbell government was defeated in 2011. By mounting a petition campaign that gathered 700,000 signatures, opponents of the HST were able to force a province-wide referendum on the issue (ending with a defeat of the controversial tax).

At the present time, the NDP, Liberal and Green opposition parties are criticizing the Harper government for sidelining parliament and barreling the trade agreement through in the most undemocratic way. As an alternative, they are calling for a thorough study and debate of the Canada-China trade agreement to be conducted in parliament. This, of course, should be done.

However, it is not only parliament that is being sidelined here. Even more importantly, the Canadian people as a whole are being sidelined. Besides calling for more study and debate, the opposition parties, if they are truly serious about stopping dictatorial practices, should also be proposing a voter empowerment mechanism that voters could use to trigger a national referendum on issues of national importance such as the trade agreement.

And the change should not stop there. Reform and renewal of the federal electoral process is long overdue, and at the core of this should be voter empowerment. Because of its anti-democratic and dictatorial practices, which are increasingly alienating Canadians, the Harper government is vulnerable on this front.

Yes, parliament must have its say on the Canada-China trade deal. But the people should have their say also – and there should be a definite mechanism to do so.



Peter Ewart is a columnist and writer based in Prince George, British Columbia. He can be reached at: peter.ewart@shaw.ca

The Pipedreams Project Takes Award at Planet in Focus Enviro. Film Fest


The Movie


In May of 2010, Enbridge Inc. made an official application to build twined crude oil and condensate pipelines that would connect Alberta's Tar Sands to Kitimat, BC, and for the first time bring crude oil super tankers to BC's North Coast. In the fall of 2010, Curtis, Ryan and Faroe kayaked 900 km in opposition to this controversial pipeline.

Their journey leads them face to face with the complexity of the environmental assessment process, the difficulties local communities face in having their voices heard, and the growing resistance against the pipeline. Leaving the city behind for adventure and the exploration of the isolated and dangerous coast of British Columbia, they immerse themselves completely in one of the last truly wild places on Earth.

The trio becomes deeply impacted by their experience, irreversibly entangled in the Pacific Northwest, and awakened to a world of power, politics and the question of democracy.


Monday, October 29, 2012

The Democracy Killer Koch Roadshow


Koch Brothers and the Road to "Citizens United"

by TRNN

Koch Brothers and the Road to "Citizens United" Greg Palast: When billionaires break the law, they get the law changed



Greg Palast is a BBC investigative reporter and author of Vultures' Picnic. Palast turned his skills to journalism after two decades as a top investigator of corporate fraud. Palast directed the U.S. governmentʼs largest racketeering case in history– winning a $4.3 billion jury award. He also conducted the investigation of fraud charges in the Exxon Valdez grounding.

Sunday, October 28, 2012

Sandy from Space: October 28th



Hurricane Sandy, October 28, 2012, Super Rapid Scan

by  NASA

This time-lapse animation shows Hurricane Sandy from the vantage point of geostationary orbit—35,800 km (22,300 miles) above the Earth. The animation shows Sandy on October 28, 2012, from 7:15 to 6:26 EDT. Light from the changing angles of the sun highlight the structure of the clouds. The images were collected by NOAA's GOES-14 satellite. The "super rapid scan" images—one every minute from 7:15 a.m. until 6:30 p.m. EDT—reveal details of the storm's motion.

NASA animation by Kevin Ward, using images from NOAA and the University of Wisconsin-Madison Cooperative Institute for Meteorological Satellite Studies.

View more imagery from Hurricane Sandy at http://earthobservatory.nasa.gov/NaturalHazards/event.php?id=79504&src=yo...


Freeing the Holy Land Five


Rally Calls for Release of "Holy Land Five" 

by TRNN


Michael Ratner : Government incarceration of five leaders of a Muslim foundation that supported Palestinians is an affront to human rights


Watch full multipart The Ratner Report

Michael Ratner is President Emeritus of the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) in New York and Chair of the European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights in Berlin. He is currently a legal adviser to Wikileaks and Julian Assange. He and CCR brought the first case challenging the Guantanamo detentions and continue in their efforts to close Guantanamo. He taught at Yale Law School, and Columbia Law School, and was President of the National Lawyers Guild. His current books include "Hell No: Your Right to Dissent in the Twenty-First Century America," and “ Who Killed Che? How the CIA Got Away With Murder.” NOTE: Mr. Ratner speaks on his own behalf and not for any organization with which he is affiliated.

Pounding Words into Plowshares: Revitalizing the Meaning in Our Message

Our Words Are Our Weapons: Against the Destruction of the World by Greed

by Rebecca Solnit - TomDispatch

In ancient China, the arrival of a new dynasty was accompanied by “the rectification of names,” a ceremony in which the sloppiness and erosion of meaning that had taken place under the previous dynasty were cleared up and language and its subjects correlated again. It was like a debt jubilee, only for meaning rather than money.

This was part of what made Barack Obama’s first presidential campaign so electrifying: he seemed like a man who spoke our language and called many if not all things by their true names. Whatever caused that season of clarity, once elected, Obama promptly sank into the stale, muffled, parallel-universe language wielded by most politicians, and has remained there ever since. Meanwhile, the far right has gotten as far as it has by mislabeling just about everything in our world -- a phenomenon which went supernova in this year of “legitimate rape,” “the apology tour,” and “job creators.” Meanwhile, their fantasy version of economics keeps getting more fantastic. (Maybe there should be a rectification of numbers, too.)

Let’s rectify some names ourselves. We often speak as though the source of so many of our problems is complex and even mysterious. I'm not sure it is. You can blame it all on greed: the refusal to do anything about climate change, the attempts by the .01% to destroy our democracy, the constant robbing of the poor, the resultant starving children, the war against most of what is beautiful on this Earth.

Calling lies "lies" and theft "theft" and violence "violence," loudly, clearly, and consistently, until truth becomes more than a bump in the road, is a powerful aspect of political activism. Much of the work around human rights begins with accurately and aggressively reframing the status quo as an outrage, whether it’s misogyny or racism or poisoning the environment. What protects an outrage are disguises, circumlocutions, and euphemisms -- “enhanced interrogation techniques” for torture, “collateral damage” for killing civilians, “the war on terror” for the war against you and me and our Bill of Rights.

Change the language and you’ve begun to change the reality or at least to open the status quo to question. Here is Confucius on the rectification of names:

“If language is not correct, then what is said is not what is meant; if what is said is not what is meant, then what must be done remains undone; if this remains undone, morals and art will deteriorate; if justice goes astray, the people will stand about in helpless confusion. Hence there must be no arbitrariness in what is said. This matters above everything.”

So let’s start calling manifestations of greed by their true name. By greed, I mean the attempt of those who have plenty to get more, not the attempts of the rest of us to survive or lead a decent life. Look at the Waltons of Wal-Mart fame: the four main heirs are among the dozen richest people on the planet, each holding about $24 billion. Their wealth is equivalent to that of the bottom 40% of Americans. The corporation Sam Walton founded now employs 2.2 million workers, two-thirds of them in the U.S., and the great majority are poorly paid, intimidated, often underemployed people who routinely depend on government benefits to survive. You could call that Walton Family welfare -- a taxpayers' subsidy to their system. Strikes launched against Wal-Mart this summer and fall protested working conditions of astonishing barbarity -- warehouses that reach 120 degrees, a woman eight months pregnant forced to work at a brutal pace, commonplace exposure to pollutants, and the intimidation of those who attempted to organize or unionize.

You would think that $24,000,000,000 apiece would be enough, but the Walton family sits atop a machine intent upon brutalizing tens of millions of people -- the suppliers of Wal-Mart notorious for their abysmal working conditions, as well as the employees of the stores -- only to add to piles of wealth already obscenely vast. Of course, what we call corporations are, in fact, perpetual motion machines, set up to endlessly extract wealth (and leave slagheaps of poverty behind) no matter what.

They are generally organized in such a way that the brutality that leads to wealth extraction is committed by subcontractors at a distance or described in euphemisms, so that the stockholders, board members, and senior executives never really have to know what’s being done in their names. And yet it is their job to know -- just as it is each of our jobs to know what systems feed us and exploit or defend us, and the job of writers, historians, and journalists to rectify the names for all these things.

Groton to Moloch


The most terrifying passage in whistleblower Daniel Ellsberg’s gripping book Secrets: A Memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon Papers is not about his time in Vietnam, or his life as a fugitive after he released the Pentagon Papers. It’s about a 1969 dinnertime conversation with a co-worker in a swanky house in Pacific Palisades, California. It took place right after Ellsberg and five of his colleagues had written a letter to the New York Times arguing for immediate withdrawal from the unwinnable, brutal war in Vietnam, and Ellsberg’s host said, “If I were willing to give up all this... if I were willing to renege on... my commitment to send my son to Groton... I would have signed the letter.”

In other words, his unnamed co-worker had weighed trying to prevent the violent deaths of hundreds of thousands of people against the upper-middle-class perk of having his kid in a fancy prep school, and chosen the latter. The man who opted for Groton was, at least, someone who worked for what he had and who could imagine having painfully less. This is not true of the ultra-rich shaping the future of our planet.

They could send tens of thousands to Groton, buy more Renoirs and ranches, and still not exploit the poor or destroy the environment, but they’re as insatiable as they are ruthless. They are often celebrated in their aesthetic side effects: imposing mansions, cultural patronage, jewels, yachts. But in many, maybe most, cases they got rich through something a lot uglier, and that ugliness is still ongoing. Rectifying the names would mean revealing the ugliness of the sources of their fortunes and the grotesque scale on which they contrive to amass them, rather than the gaudiness of the trinkets they buy with them. It would mean seeing and naming the destruction that is the corollary of most of this wealth creation.

A Storm Surge of Selfishness


Where this matters most is climate change. Why have we done almost nothing over the past 25 years about what was then a terrifying threat and is now a present catastrophe? Because it was bad for quarterly returns and fossil-fuel portfolios. When posterity indicts our era, this will be the feeble answer for why we did so little -- that the rich and powerful with ties to the carbon-emitting industries have done everything in their power to prevent action on, or even recognition of, the problem. In this country in particular, they spent a fortune sowing doubt about the science of climate change and punishing politicians who brought the subject up. In this way have we gone through four “debates” and nearly a full election cycle with climate change unmentioned and unmentionable.

These three decades of refusing to respond have wasted crucial time. It’s as though you were prevented from putting out a fire until it was raging: now the tundra is thawing and Greenland’s ice shield is melting and nearly every natural system is disrupted, from the acidifying oceans to the erratic seasons to droughts, floods, heat waves, and wildfires, and the failure of crops. We can still respond, but the climate is changed; the damage we all spoke of, only a few years ago, as being in the future is here, now.

You can look at the chief executive officers of the oil corporations -- Chevron’s John Watson, for example, who received almost $25 million ($1.57 million in salary and the rest in “compensation”) in 2011 -- or their major shareholders. They can want for nothing. They’re so rich they could quit the game at any moment. When it comes to climate change, some of the wealthiest people in the world have weighed the fate of the Earth and every living thing on it for untold generations to come, the seasons and the harvests, this whole exquisite planet we evolved on, and they have come down on the side of more profit for themselves, the least needy people the world has ever seen.

Take those billionaire energy tycoons Charles and David Koch, who are all over American politics these days. They are spending tens of millions of dollars to defeat Obama, partly because he offends their conservative sensibilities, but also because he is less likely to be a completely devoted servant of their profit margins. He might, if we shout loud enough, rectify a few names. Under pressure, he might even listen to the public or environmental groups, while Romney poses no such problem (and under a Romney administration they will probably make more back in tax cuts than they are gambling on his election).

Two years ago, the Koch brothers spent $1 million on California’s Proposition 23, an initiative written and put on the ballot by out-of-state oil companies to overturn our 2006 Global Warming Solutions Act. It lost by a landslide, but the Koch brothers have also invested a small fortune in spreading climate-change denial and sponsoring the Tea Party (which they can count on to oppose climate change regulation as big government or interference with free enterprise). This year they’re backing a California initiative to silence unions. They want nothing to stand in the way of corporate power and the exploitation of fossil fuels. Think of it as another kind of war, and consider the early casualties.

As the Irish Times put it in an editorial this summer:

“Across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, hundreds of millions are struggling to adapt to their changing climate. In the last three years, we have seen 10 million people displaced by floods in Pakistan, 13 million face hunger in east Africa, and over 10 million in the Sahel region of Africa face starvation. Even those figures only scrape the surface. According to the Global Humanitarian Forum, headed up by former U.N. secretary general Kofi Annan, climate change is responsible for 300,000 deaths a year and affects 300 million people annually. By 2030, the annual death toll related to climate change is expected to rise to 500,000 and the economic cost to rocket to $600 billion.”

This coming year may see a dramatic increase in hunger due to rising food prices from crop failures, including this summer’s in the U.S. Midwest after a scorching drought in which the Mississippi River nearly ran dry and crops withered.

We need to talk about climate change as a war against nature, against the poor (especially the poor of Africa), and against the rest of us. There are casualties, there are deaths, and there is destruction, and it’s all mounting. Rectify the name, call it war. While we’re at it, take back the term “pro-life” to talk about those who are trying to save the lives of all the creatures suffering from the collapse of the complex systems on which plant and animal as well as human lives depend. The other side: “pro-death.”

The complex array of effects from climate change and their global distribution, as well as their scale and the science behind them makes it harder to talk about than almost anything else on Earth, but we should talk about it all the more because of that. And yes, the rest of us should do more, but what is the great obstacle those who have already tried to do so much invariably come up against? The oil corporations, the coal companies, the energy industry, its staggering financial clout, its swarms of lobbyists, and the politicians in its clutches. Those who benefit most from the status quo, I learned in studying disasters, are always the least willing to change.

The Doublespeak on Taxes


I’m a Californian so I faced the current version of American greed early. Proposition 13, the initiative that froze property taxes and made it nearly impossible to raise taxes in our state, went into effect in 1978, two years before California’s former governor Ronald Reagan won the presidency, in part by catering to greed. Prop 13, as it came to be known, went into effect when California was still an affluent state with the best educational system in the world, including some of the top universities around, nearly free to in-staters all the way through graduate school. Tax cuts have trashed the state and that education system, and they are now doing the same to our country. The public sphere is to society what the biosphere is to life on earth: the space we live in together, and the attacks on them have parallels.

What are taxes? They are that portion of your income that you contribute to the common good. Most of us are unhappy with how they’re allocated -- though few outside the left talk about the fact that more than half of federal discretionary expenditures go to our gargantuan military, more money than is spent on the next 14 militaries combined. Ever since Reagan, the right has complained unceasingly about fantasy expenditures -- from that president’s “welfare queens” to Mitt Romney’s attack on Big Bird and PBS (which consumes .001% of federal expenditures).

As part of its religion of greed, the right invented a series of myths about where those taxes went, how paying them was the ultimate form of oppression, and what boons tax cuts were to bring us. They then delivered the biggest tax cuts of all to those who already had a superfluity of money and weren’t going to pump the extra they got back into the economy. What they really were saying was that they wanted to hang onto every nickel, no matter how the public sphere was devastated, and that they really served the ultra-rich, over and over again, not the suckers who voted them into office.

Despite decades of cutting to the bone, they continue to promote tax cuts as if they had yet to happen. Their constant refrain is that we are too poor to feed the poor or educate the young or heal the sick, but the poverty isn’t monetary: it’s moral and emotional. Let’s rectify some more language: even at this moment, the United States remains the richest nation the world has ever seen, and California -- with the richest agricultural regions on the planet and a colossal high-tech boom still ongoing in Silicon Valley -- is loaded, too. Whatever its problems, the U.S. is still swimming in abundance, even if that abundance is divided up ever more unequally.

Really, there’s more than enough to feed every child well, to treat every sick person, to educate everyone well without saddling them with hideous debt, to support the arts, to protect the environment -- to produce, in short, a glorious society. The obstacle is greed. We could still make the sorts of changes climate change requires of us and become a very different nation without overwhelming pain. We would then lead somewhat different lives -- richer, not poorer, for most of us (in meaning, community, power, and hope). Because this culture of greed impoverishes all of us, it is, to call it by its true name, destruction.

Occupy the Names


One of the great accomplishments of Occupy Wall Street was this rectification of names. Those who came together under that rubric named the greed, inequality, and injustice in our system; they made the brutality of debt and the subjugation of the debtors visible; they called out Wall Street’s crimes; they labeled the wealthiest among us the “1%,” those who have made a profession out of pumping great sums of our wealth upwards (quite a different kind of tax). It was a label that made instant sense across much of the political spectrum. It was a good beginning. But there’s so much more to do.

Naming is only part of the work, but it’s a crucial first step. A doctor initially diagnoses, then treats; an activist or citizen must begin by describing what is wrong before acting. To do that well is to call things by their true names. Merely calling out these names is a beam of light powerful enough to send the destroyers it shines upon scurrying for cover like roaches. After that, you still need to name your vision, your plan, your hope, your dream of something better.

Names matter; language matters; truth matters. In this era when the mainstream media serve obfuscation and evasion more than anything else (except distraction), alternative media, social media, demonstrations in the streets, and conversations between friends are the refuges of truth, the places where we can begin to rectify the names. So start talking.




Rebecca Solnit is the author of thirteen books, a TomDispatch regular, and from kindergarten to graduate school a product of the California public education system in its heyday. She would like the Republican Party to be called the Pro-Rape Party until further notice.

Follow TomDispatch on Twitter @TomDispatch and join us on Facebook.

Copyright 2012 Rebecca Solnit

Gorilla Radio with Chris Cook, Jennifer Moore, Jesse Freeston, Janine Bandcroft Monday Oct. 29, 2012

This Week on GR

by C. L. Cook


The practices of Canadian mining companies abroad are increasingly in the global spotlight, if less frequently featured at home. From Africa and Asia, to Central America, Mexico and right here in Canada, mining outfits, many flying Canadian flags of convenience, are wreaking havoc on the natural world, and ruining societies with the misfortune of existing above the objects of the industry's desire.

Worse than this is the complicity, in many cases, of the Canadian government. Jennifer Moore is the Latin America Program Coordinator for Mining Watch Canada. Jen spent years in Latin America as a freelance print and broadcast journalist, specializing in communities affected by Canadian-financed mining companies.

Jennifer Moore in the first half.


Listen. Hear.

And; in 2009, the mildly left of centre president of Honduras, Manuel "Mel" Zelayas proposed a change to the country's constitution. Mel wanted to begin modest land reforms, reforms that would, among other things, recognize the rights of indigent share-croppers. Within weeks, the oligarchs running Honduras answered Zelayas' modest proposal with one of their own: The military kidnapped the president, spiriting him into exile, and cracked down hard on human rights activists, journalists, and indigent farmers. Canada and the United States, the two great democracies of the hemisphere, at first tacitly, then actively supported the coup, and continue to do so, even as the country experiences oppression and injustice not seen in Central America since the terrible reign of the death squads in the 1980's.

Jesse Freeston is a Montreal-based freelance journalist and documentary filmmaker who has spent the better part of the last three years documenting the struggle of the dispossessed farmers of the Aguán Valley and working to bring their story to the world. Freeston's film, Resistencia documents the farmer's struggle: Burned out of their homes, murdered, deprived of access to traditional lands, schools, clinics, and vital infrastructure destroyed, the families of the Aguán still refuse to be moved; "occupying, defending, and working more than 5,000 hectares of palm oil plantations."

Jesse Freeston and the Honduran Occupy Movement in the second half.

And; Victoria Street Newz publisher and CFUV Radio broadcaster, Janine Bandcroft will join us at the bottom of the hour to bring us up to speed with on-going events going on on our streets and beyond.

But first, Jennifer Moore and revisiting a victory for Ecuador.

Chris Cook hosts Gorilla Radio, airing live every Monday, 5-6pm Pacific Time. In Victoria at 101.9FM, and on the internet at: http://cfuv.uvic.ca. He also serves as a contributing editor to the web news site, http://www.pacificfreepress.com. Check out the GR blog at: http://gorillaradioblog.blogspot.ca/

G-Radio is dedicated to social justice, the environment, community, and providing a forum for people and issues not covered in the corporate media.



Jesse comments:

Mel did a lot more than just the land reform proposal. Hiked minimum wage, signed ALBA and Petro Caribe, cracked down on the local oil companies (bringing the price of gasoline down tremendously even when the price internationally was going the opposite direction and HN imports its oil), invested in schools, made plans to turn the US air force base at Palmerola into a commercial airpot, etc...it was nothing at the level of Venezuela or Bolivia or Ecuador, but it wasn't peanuts...and his overthrow affected most sectors in the country in one way or another. That was reflected in the Resistance movement that had participation from every sector you could imagine. So, when you say they cracked down hard on farmers, human rights observers, and journalists...you might want to add "and virtually every other sector of the country's poor majority" or something to that effect. In fact, after the farmers its probably been the LGBT, teachers, and students that have gotten it the worst. 

Melina Laboucan Massimo: Why We Fight the Tar Sands




Melina speaking at the Defend Our Coast Rally

by Joan Russow - PEJnews.com


Melina Laboucan Massimo, a long-time Indigenous and environmental activist. Since 2009 Melina has been working as a tar sands campaigner for Greenpeace Canada.




Melina is a Lubicon Cree from Northern Alberta who knows the reality of the oil sands too well. Having grown up in the oil sands region, she witnessed first-hand the impacts of oil sands development on her Nation’s people, culture, and land. She now spends most of her days traveling inside Canada and around the world to share her their stories and realities with a larger audience. (http://nobelwomensinitiative.org/2012/10/meet-melina-laboucan-massimo-indigenous-environmental-activist/)

Romney Fictions, Obama Mischaracterisations: Lying from Both Sides of the Political Divide on Iran, Afghanistan

 

Both Candidates Misleading on Iran and Afghanistan

by TRNN

Obama and Romney debate a false narrative about US foreign policy


Gareth Porter is a historian and investigative journalist on US foreign and military policy analyst. He writes regularly for Inter Press Service on US policy towards Iraq and Iran. Author of four books, the latest of which is Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam.

Watch full multipart The Porter Report