Wednesday, December 27, 2017

Small Steps to Change in Kabul

Stepping Stones to Change

by Carolyn Coe - VCNV


December 28, 2017

Amrullah has a small frame and a soft voice. He used to have a reputation as a fighter and would fight with the rich kids. He'd get angry because they had nicer clothes. By fighting, he wanted to show his power.

But now, at age 11, he believes that fighting is bad. When he sees those same boys, he says he no longer cares to fight.

Mursal interacts with her teacher Naser during a Friday
afternoon Bridge class, encouraging Street Kid School
soon-to-be-graduates to volunteer at the Borderfree Centre.
Photo: Carolyn Coe

"They have their way," he says. "I have my way, and my way is nonviolent."

The other boys asked Amrullah why he stopped fighting, but when he explained his new way of thinking, they couldn't understand.

Amrullah has studied nonviolence at the Street Kids School, in Kabul, Afghanistan, for almost three years. The school, with 94 students this year, is a project of the Afghan Peace Volunteers (APVs) at the Borderfree Nonviolence Community Centre. There, the students also gain literacy and math skills, supplementing their lessons at the government schools. Each month, they receive modest food rations. The students become empowered as the stories and ideas they share in class become woven into later school lessons. In March, 2018, Amrullah and other third-year students will graduate. The hope is that they will continue their general studies in the public schools.

The third-year students are now taking an extra class, participating in the Bridge Program. This program introduces these students to the 17 volunteer teams at the center, from organic gardening to the duvet project (a women's income-generating project involving sewing and distributing wool-stuffed blankets). In last Friday's Bridge class, students explored how to work as a team and how to prepare for the challenges they will inevitably face if they decide to volunteer in one of the Borderfree projects.

Some of the students at the school used to work in Kabul's streets. Others still do. Save the Children estimates that there are 2.2 million Afghan children between the ages of 8 and 14 who need to work.

Around age five, Amrullah began helping his father, who can't speak, to rent glasses and other items to families for special occasions. Though his parents didn't study, his father encouraged Amrullah to attend school instead of continuing to help him. His father doesn't want Amrullah to struggle as he does.

Even though the food rations will end upon his graduation, Amrullah believes his father will support his desire to volunteer at the center.

Like Amrullah, Adila attends the Bridge class. She used to be a child laborer, selling bolonis, filled Afghan pancakes. Four years ago, Adila came to Kabul from Baghlon province to live with her aunt. Together they live in a single room with no stove to warm them from the winter cold. Her biggest challenge is convincing her father to permit her to stay in Kabul to study. She thinks her parents might call her back to the province.

"In Kabul there are a lot more opportunities to study," she says.

Now in seventh grade, Adila wants to continue her studies, to go to university, and to become a doctor. Then she sees herself returning to Baghlon to help others. She likes doing nonviolence work because in a safe area, in an area without fighting, she and others can study better.

Seated a few chairs away from Adila is Sakina, age 11, who used to sell cigarettes and other small items. Now she works in her father's vegetable shop. She has six sisters and all of age attend school.
Sakina is especially interested in joining the Borderfree cycling club after graduation.

"Riding a bike makes me happy," she says.

When Sakina first told her parents she wanted to ride a bike, her father was a little angry and told her he couldn't buy her a bike. Sakina has decided to ride, it seems, without informing her parents. Sakina believes that girls and boys must have the same rights and opportunities. She's now in fifth grade.

The role models for Amrullah, Adila, and Sakina are most importantly the student volunteer teachers and coordinators at the Street Kids School. Both Zekrullah, who is a co-coordinator of the school, and Nemat, who used to teach nonviolence there and is now the coordinator of another team, were once child laborers themselves.

In three years, the students have learned peace building techniques and have become confident readers. Still, their lives will remain difficult. Naser, a Kabul University student and one of the Bridge class teachers, has worries. A few nights ago, he went to the market to buy some food and was saddened to see one of the students in the street selling sunflower seeds. It was late for people in Kabul to be outside yet there was a young girl alone working.

"Those kids working in the street, they don't have much time to think about their life and they don't have time to think about their best future," Naser says.

"They just think about how they should find food for one night. And they don't have any plan for tomorrow."

Food and economic insecurity are further complicated by safety concerns. When Naser talks to others in the street, they say they are not sure if they will be alive or not the next day. The violence extends to the Afghan education system, Naser adds, recalling school teachers hitting him or having him stand on one leg for a long time if he didn't complete his homework.

Naser shares all of these challenges after I ask him what makes him happy, so I begin to believe that he has misunderstood me, but then he turns the idea around. It is because he knows all of the challenges in Kabul that seeing boys and girls in school makes him happy, really happy. "Education is the path, especially in Afghanistan," he says, "toward positive change–toward a green, equal, and nonviolent world."

Voices' Carolyn Coe writes from Kabul, where she is a guest of the Afghan Peace Volunteer
 

Tuesday, December 26, 2017

Gorilla Radio X-Mas/Year-Ender Show with Chris Cook, Ken Boon, Christina Nikolic December 28, 2017

This Week on GR

by C. L. Cook - Gorilla-Radio.com


December 28, 2017

Welcome to the Year-ender show, wherein you'll enjoy seasonally-themed blatherskite, music, and more.

It's been a pretty strange year past, punctuated with highs and lows that, like the weather, have peaked with extraordinary insistence. I think it's a trend we're going to have to learn to adapt to.

As if to echo, the political climate has too been erratic. In British Columbia, our Spring time election witnessed the bizarre, Mugabe-like siege of the Legislature by the Liberals, taking months as it turned out to prise Christy Clark's death-rip from the reins of power before a Summer swearing in of a government of an entirely new stripe.

Or at least, that's how it was advertised.

Listen. Hear.

But as Autumn turned, so did hopes the NDP would prove itself an alternative to the crony capitalist, BCLiberals. Just two weeks ago, the new premier announced the government would continue the course set by Clark and carry the Site C dam project forward - a project with more strikes against it than an English coal mine.

I hosted quite a few shows about Site C over the last year, (and previous ones too) most frequently speaking with Peace Valley farmer and president of the Peace Valley Landowners Association, Ken Boon. I'll talk to Ken again in the second half of the show to get his take on possible next steps in the continued resistance to this disastrous turn of events.

I'll also talk to long-time Victoria-based green business savant and horticulturalist extraordinaire, Christina Nikolic at the bottom of the hour, taking the pulse of the city and environs with the Left Coast Events bulletin for the X-Mas/New Year's week.

But before letting go the scruff of Christmas past; in a recent interview John Horgan, as if to underline for any still thinking the NDP would change the province's political course announced,

"If we’re going to be a government that governs for all British Columbians, we have to set aside our activism and start being better administrators."

Then he began packing a bag for his January trade mission to Asia; where he'll undoubtedly get the opportunity to demonstrate that administrative malleability to Site C contract awardee, CCCI, aka the China Communications Construction Company Ltd.

In the same interview, Horgan said it wasn't Christmas for him until he'd heard the Pogues song, Fairytale of New York. It seems a fitting companion piece to the beginning of the end of another failed dream of change in BC. Happy Christmas Premier Horgan, this one is for you.

Chris Cook hosts Gorilla Radio, airing live every Thursday between 11-Noon Pacific Time. In Victoria at 101.9FM, and on the internet at: http://cfuv.uvic.ca.  He also serves as a contributing editor to the web news site, http://www.pacificfreepress.com. Check out the GR blog at: http://gorillaradioblog.blogspot.ca/

The X-Mas/Year-Ender Programme

 

11:01:00 4:00 Ini Kimoze - All I Really Want for Christmas - Putumayo Presents World Christmas
11:05:00 3:00 Blatherskite Intro
11:08:00 4:00 The Pogues (with Kirsty McColl) - Fairytale of New York - If I Should Fall From Grace with God

11:12:00 2:00 Blatherskite (Looking back/forward)

Past as prologue played large in BC in another way in 2017. Late in 2016 long-time environmental defender Ingmar Lee's fears came to fruition. Ingmar has been on this show many times over the years, blowing the clarion of wise ecological alternatives to the economically-driven choice of policies made by concurrent governments and corporations. Typically, these calls are a whistle in the winds of the mainstream media maelstrom, lost in the veritable monsoon of brain badgering bafflegab and bullshit.

He's been warning of the oil spill disaster where Spring, Summer, Fall and Winter, 10,000 ton oil tankers barge up and down the harrowing BC coast, pushed by ships designed for the rivers and inland seas of the southern United States. He and his growing number of allies track these potential latter day Exxon Valdez's, one of which, the Nathan E. Stewart he had written extensively about.

Sure enough, the Nathan E. Stewart grounded and sank, fortunately not bringing its thankfully empty tanker down with it, but still fouling the seas and coastline not twenty miles from Ingmar's home near Bella Bella. This past November 30th, while the province slept, the Nathan E. Stewart's replacement, the Jack Shearer, while crossing Hecate Strait in moderately heavy seas, separated from its fully laden oil tanker.

For hours, the crew of the ill-prepared tug frantically, and heroically, saved the barge from running aground and certainly being ripped to shreds on Gosling Rocks. Another narrow escape, but not near enough calamity to alter the course of the trade allowed to continue plying up and down the coast while offering Canada and Canadians nothing but the risk of certain environmental disaster to come. Sadly, the country's federal government too "set aside activism" on becoming government, and dare not offer resistance to so obvious and grievous a menace.

11:14:00 3:00 Moody Blues - Story in Your Eyes - Every Good Boy Deserves Favour
11:17:00 2:00 Blatherskite Broadly

Naturally, the odious Mr. Trump, (or is that the "Naturally Odious Mr. Trump?") was my newsmaker, if not person, of the year past. Not only did he feature on the wrong side of every issue of major import, but the media-hogging omnicon president has in his first year set a new highbar for all the low-lifes to follow him into public office everywhere. With his unrepentant mendacity, and unprecedented alacrity at using his trusted position for personal enrichment, Trump has set back the very idea of public service centuries. 

Regardless of how much criticism he receives, and you can't help but admire the breadth of enmity he attracts or the diversity of his detractors, it seems the end of Season One of the Donald Show is just the beginning of a sequel defying tranformational period for the United Empire of America Inc.

"Must watch" hardly does the spectacle justice, and sadly, "watching" is about all the Democrats seem able to do; mired as they are in scandals of their own, infighting, and outright collusion with the administration's destructive foreign policies.

What this all means for the Season Two debut has me shaking in my slippers, and reaching for the popcorn.

11:19:00 5:00 Gil Scott-Heron - Working for Peace - GasCD (fade to b s-m)
11:24:00 4:00 Buffy Sainte-Marie - The War Racket - Medicine Songs
11:28:00 1:00 Cart(s)
11:29:00 7:00 Christina Nikolic Left Coast Events bulletin
11:36:00 3:00 Poalo Nutini - Cherry Blossom - Caustic Love
11:39:00 19:00 Discussion w/ Ken Boon

Welcome back to GR, etc. This is our Year-ender show. One of the year's most frequently appearing guests joins us now. Ken Boon is a Peace Valley farmer and president of the Peace Valley Landowners Association. Ken and his family have lived at the heart of the resistance to the Site C dam project from the beginning. It's a fight that's cost him personally, but not nearly so much as it will cost all British Columbians should this ill-conceived third major dam on the Peace River be allowed to continue to completion.

"Welcome back to the program, Ken. I had BC Green Party candidate, Douglas Gook on the show last week. he says he's not through fighting the NDP decision to go ahead on Site C; is there a way to turn this around yet?"

11:58:00 1:00 Thanks to Ken Boon, Christina Nikolic; upcoming.
11:59:00 --:--                                                         

-0-

Monday, December 25, 2017

Art of the Heel: Guantánamo's Claim on the Works of Its Captives

Guantánamo Writer Mohamedou Ould Slahi’s Devastating Criticism of US Claims That It Owns and Can Destroy Prisoners’ Art 

by Andy Worthington


22.12.17

Please support my work as a reader-funded journalist! I’m currently trying to raise $2500 (£2000) to support my writing and campaigning on Guantánamo and related issues over the next three months of the Trump administration.

A month ago, following a report in the Miami Herald about the US authorities at Guantánamo claiming that they own prisoners’ art and can destroy it — a position apparently taken in response to an art exhibition that had rattled the Pentagon — I wrote an article explaining why this was both disgraceful and also typical of the US authorities, who have always behaved at Guantánamo as though every aspect of the prisoners’ lives — even their memories — are owned by them.

That article was entitled, Persistent Dehumanization at Guantánamo: US Claims It Owns Prisoners’ Art, Just As It Claims to Own Their Memories of Torture, and I followed it with two cross-posts of powerful and eloquent articles written by Erin Thompson, one of the curators of the exhibition, at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York — here and here.

Last week, in the Washington Post, another witness to the power of creativity and the distressing censorship and control exercised by the US authorities stepped forward with another powerful and eloquent analysis — Mohamedou Ould Slahi, from Mauritania, who was tortured in Jordan, Afghanistan and Guantánamo on the mistaken basis that he was a member of Al-Qaeda, and who, after the torture at Guantánamo “broke” him, was regarded, again mistakenly, as such a useful informant that he was moved from out of the general population of the prison, and allowed to write a memoir, “Guantánamo Diary,” that, ironically, eventually ended up being published and becoming a best-seller.

“Guantánamo Diary” revealed Slahi, who was eventually released in October 2016, to be a formidable writer, possessed of humour, eloquence and insight, and unwilling to bear a grudge against his former captors, qualities evident in his op-ed for the Post, in which he explained that, although he was “heartened by the individuals and organizations that have protested” the “cruel policy” of claiming to own and be able to destroy prisoners’ art, “as well as by the critical coverage in the U.S. and international press,” he was not surprised by the news.

He proceeded to explain that, in October 2014, the authorities at Guantánamo confiscated everything he had written since completing “Guantánamo Diary” nine years before. As he put it, “stories I had written about my childhood, fictional stories and even a manuscript for a book I was working on called ‘Portable Happiness,’ about how to stay positive in the most hopeless situations.”

Slahi proceeds to explain, “I never saw these things again.” His writing was stolen from him, as were gifts from his lawyer or family members — what the authorities, disgracefully, called “comfort items.” As he describes it, “The comfort of these things, for me, was that they really were mine: They were things I had created and things that my lawyers, family and even interrogators and guards had given to me personally. They were expressions of myself and expressions of what others saw in me. They were proof that I existed.”

Without them, the authorities had “another kind of leverage over us: to build a cloud of anxiety that anything we created or were given could at any time be taken away. They said, essentially, that today you may have something, but tomorrow you will again have nothing, because you are nothing.”

Towards the end of his op-ed, Slahi powerfully explains how those from repressive regimes know how “freedom of speech and expression are a rare commodity,” and adds that he left Mauritania for Germany in search of them. He ends by urging the US to abandon its absorption of methods used by dictatorships. As he states, “The censorship and human rights violations that are taking place in Guantánamo Bay have long been practiced in my part of the world. They do not work. They do nothing but demean us — all of us.”

I do hope you have time to read Mohamedou’s powerful op-ed, cross-posted below, and that you will share it if you find it as powerful as I do.

Why does the U.S. government have to confiscate prisoner artwork from Guantánamo Bay?

by Mohamedou Ould Slahi, the Washington Post, 

December 13, 2017

During the 14 years I spent cut off from the world in the U.S. prison in Guantánamo Bay, I often found myself wondering whether people cared about the conditions under which I was being held. Since my release a little more than one year ago, I’ve been impressed by how many people do care — something that has been driven home to me again by the public reaction to reports of a change in policy toward artwork created by inmates in the prison.

For several years, the U.S. government had a screening process that permitted artwork created by prisoners to be shared with family members and others outside the prison, but in November it announced it is no longer allowing prisoner art to be publicly released. As a result, these works can no longer be seen by anyone outside of Guantánamo. What’s more, the government has been saying that it owns the works of art and can destroy them if it wishes. I have been heartened by the individuals and organizations that have protested this cruel policy, as well as by the critical coverage in the U.S. and international press.

But I can’t say that I was surprised by the news itself.

In October 2014, one of my guards came to my cell to warn me that I would soon be moved to another block. I asked what I could take with me to the new cell. He said I could take only my copy of the holy Koran, nothing else.

And so, in the blink of an eye, I was separated from the life that I had built around me in that cell over the previous 10 years. That life, for me, included writing. It included a journal in which I recorded my life and thoughts in the years since I completed the manuscript for my “Guantánamo Diary,” which I wrote and delivered in a series of letters to my attorney in 2005. It also included stories I had written about my childhood, fictional stories and even a manuscript for a book I was working on called “Portable Happiness,” about how to stay positive in the most hopeless situations.

I never saw these things again. They disappeared, along with movies, books and other items that were given to me as gifts, sent to me by my family members or brought to me by my lawyers to provide me comfort. That is what they call these things in Guantánamo: “comfort items.” The comfort of these things, for me, was that they really were mine: They were things I had created and things that my lawyers, family and even interrogators and guards had given to me personally. They were expressions of myself and expressions of what others saw in me. They were proof that I existed.

What I learned that day was that those “comfort items” were given to me and to other detainees only so that our jailers could have another kind of leverage over us: to build a cloud of anxiety that anything we created or were given could at any time be taken away. They said, essentially, that today you may have something, but tomorrow you will again have nothing, because you are nothing.

Today, the U.S. government is still holding these parts of me. It did not return my manuscripts and scribblings after my shackles were finally removed when the military plane landed in my home city of Nouakchott, Mauritania, and it has not returned them to this day. It can do this, it claims, because these things I wrote are “classified.” It can do this because — in the words of a Pentagon spokesman who was interviewed about the new policy preventing the paintings and sculptures of Guantánamo prisoners from ever being seen outside the prison — detainee art is the “property of the U.S. government.”

I was born in a part of the world where freedom of speech and expression are a rare commodity, and I know dictatorial methods when I see them. I left my home country in North Africa just after high school to move to Germany so that I could live a life where I could say what was on my mind without being afraid that I would be kidnapped, killed or put in prison. I am not alone in this. Ask any person who emigrated from the Middle East to Europe or the United States to escape suppression of freedom of speech and expression, and they will tell you: I am what I believe, and if I cannot express it clearly and unequivocally, I am no one.

The censorship and human rights violations that are taking place in Guantánamo Bay have long been practiced in my part of the world. They do not work. They do nothing but demean us — all of us. As a positive person, I have to hope that the current policy of confiscating and permanently suppressing the artistic creations of Guantánamo detainees will be reversed. I hope this for the 41 prisoners who are still in Guantánamo, many of them unjustly. But not just for them. The United States deserves better than this, too.

Note: See here for the Restored Edition of “Guantánamo Diary,” with the redacted passages restored by Mohamedou and his editor Larry Siems.


Andy Worthington is a freelance investigative journalist, activist, author, photographer, film-maker and singer-songwriter (the lead singer and main songwriter for the London-based band The Four Fathers, whose music is available via Bandcamp).

He is the co-founder of the Close Guantánamo campaign (and the Donald Trump No! Please Close Guantánamo initiative, launched in January 2017), the co-director of We Stand With Shaker, which called for the release from Guantánamo of Shaker Aamer, the last British resident in the prison (finally freed on October 30, 2015), and the author of The Guantánamo Files: The Stories of the 774 Detainees in America’s Illegal Prison (published by Pluto Press, distributed by the University of Chicago Press in the US, and available from Amazon, including a Kindle edition — click on the following for the US and the UK) and of two other books: Stonehenge: Celebration and Subversion and The Battle of the Beanfield. He is also the co-director (with Polly Nash) of the documentary film, “Outside the Law: Stories from Guantánamo” (available on DVD here — or here for the US).

To receive new articles in your inbox, please subscribe to Andy’s RSS feed — and he can also be found on Facebook (and here), Twitter, Flickr and YouTube. Also see the six-part definitive Guantánamo prisoner list, and The Complete Guantánamo Files, an ongoing, 70-part, million-word series drawing on files released by WikiLeaks in April 2011. Also see the definitive Guantánamo habeas list, the full military commissions list, and the chronological list of all Andy’s articles.

Please also consider joining the Close Guantánamo campaign, and, if you appreciate Andy’s work, feel free to make a donation.

Sunday, December 24, 2017

Harding Sell: Guardian Hack Peddles Russia Tripe

Where's the 'Collusion'? 

by TRNN


December 23, 2017

2017 is almost over, but Special Counsel Robert Mueller's Russia investigation is not. In fact, the Washington Post reports that Mueller's probe could last another year through much of 2018 at a minimum. The prospect is sure to annoy President Trump who has been hampered by the Russia story throughout his first year in office. Well according to a best-selling new book, Trump has ample reason to worry.

The book is called 'Collusion: Secret Meetings, Dirty Money, and How Russia Helped Donald Trump Win.' I'm joined up with the book's author, Luke Harding, a veteran journalist for The Guardian and the paper's former Moscow correspondent.



Amid news the Mueller probe could extend through 2018, Guardian reporter Luke Harding and TRNN's Aaron Mate discuss Russiagate and Harding's new book "Collusion: Secret Meetings, Dirty Money, and How Russia Helped Donald Trump Win"

No Room in the Manger: Few Christians Remain in Holy Town of Bethlehem

Why There Are Few Christians Left in the Holy Town of Bethlehem

by Jonathan Cook - The National


December 24, 2017

It is another anxious Christmas for the inhabitants of Bethlehem. This is the time of year when they have a chance to break out of an isolation enforced in concrete since Israel enclosed the town with a “separation wall” more than a decade ago.

On Christmas Eve, in a centuries-old tradition, Palestinian and foreign pilgrims rub shoulders as they throng in the ancient Church of the Nativity to celebrate the anniversary of the birth of Jesus at its reputed location two millennia ago.

Outside, in Manger Square, the lights and baubles on a huge Christmas tree provide some festive glitz, while hawkers assail the tourists, exploiting the chance to sell them Santa hats and stocking fillers of plastic light sabres and illuminated spinning tops.

Most of the foreign pilgrims enter Bethlehem by coach through a gate in the wall heavily policed by Israeli soldiers. They disembark at the church’s entrance and most depart for Jerusalem as soon as the event is over. Nowadays few tourists get to meet or talk to a Palestinian in Bethlehem. Earlier this year, Israel tried to further choke off tourism revenue by warning travel agencies that their groups must not stay overnight in Bethlehem’s handful of cheap hotels.

Largely sealed off from the world, Bethlehem is today almost as well known for its graffiti, visible from coaches on the pilgrim trail through the wall, as the nativity. Amid iconic images by Banksy, the famous British street artist, is the handiwork of local paint-sprayers. One message to the world scrawled across the eight-metre-high grey slabs announces: “Merry Christmas from Bethlehem ghetto”.

The town now has access to little more than a tenth of its original territory, with homes cut off from farmland, water sources and historic landmarks. A host of ever-expanding Jewish settlements around Bethlehem have been gorging on the rich pickings of their imprisoned neighbours.

Bethlehem’s despondency was heightened this month by the decision of US President Donald Trump to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. That declaration has sparked repeated clashes between Bethlehem’s youth and Israeli occupation forces.

Traditionally, the fates of these cities, the two primary destinations for pilgrims, were intimately tied. Before the construction of the wall, they were only a short drive apart. Now Jerusalem is almost unreachable for Bethlehem’s inhabitants, while Bethlehem itself has become an increasingly unappealing prospect for most outsiders.

Amid the gloom, however, there were two small tidings of joy this month.

Banksy, who earlier this year established a graffiti-themed hotel called the Walled Off Hotel – boasting the “worst view in the world” – put on an alternative nativity play for local children in the shadow of the wall and its armed watch-towers. A two-part BBC documentary shown last week about the planning and staging of The Alternativity gave international audiences a rare up-close view of life in the Bethlehem ghetto.

The other success was a screening this month on Capitol Hill of Leila Sansour’s documentary Open Bethlehem. Along with their invite, US Congress members were sent a “Bethlehem passport”, making them honorary citizens of the town.

Ms Sansour’s film was meant to prick consciences. It charts Bethlehem’s gradual incarceration and the decision of her own extended family to desert the town, like many other Christians, for opportunities abroad.

Today, Bethlehem’s Christians make up only 13 per cent of its population and more than three-quarters blame Israel’s blockade for the exodus. The Open Bethlehem campaign, spawned by the film, quotes James Zogby, president of the Arab American Institute, saying:

“While every Christmas we sing of Bethlehem, most Americans know so little about the town and its people.”

In the only way they could, Bethlehem’s church leaders exacted a small revenge for Mr Trump’s Jerusalem declaration. They closed their doors to Mike Pence, the US vice president and a pious Christian evangelical. His pre-Christmas visit to the region has now been postponed until next year.

Paradoxically, Mr Pence had originally intended to use the trip to highlight the persecution of Christians in the Middle East – though presumably not the kind of persecution represented by Israel’s wall.

Most Palestinian Christians see Mr Pence not as a potential saviour but very much at the heart of their problems. The vice president is viewed as the latest personification of a Western evangelical tradition that has consistently betrayed Palestine’s Christian community.

Exactly a century ago, it was British government leaders like David Lloyd George and Arthur Balfour, men of deep Christian conviction, who prioritised the interests of European Jews over the Holy Land’s native Palestinians. The Balfour Declaration set in train a process of colonisation that dispossessed Muslims and Christians alike of their homeland.

Fast forward to today and tens of millions of evangelicals in the US, Israel’s new patron, helped to elect Mr Trump. They were the reason he selected Mr Pence as his running mate and why he cynically transformed the incendiary site of Jerusalem into a campaign vote-winner.

The priorities of Christians like Mr Pence derive not from natural justice, solidarity with fellow Christians or even cold calculation, but from supposed divine prophecy. They interpret the Bible as requiring a return of God’s chosen people, the Jews, to the Promised Land as a way to bring forward the end-time. In a cataclysmic Battle of Armageddon, Jesus will return, they believe. The truly faithful will rise to heaven to be with God while everyone else, including unrepentant Jews, will burn for eternity.

For this reason, a strong Israel – one that includes the Biblical lands on which the illegal Jewish settlements are built – is a central concern for millions of US evangelicals. In contrast, the slow erasure of Palestinian Christians, as well as the heritage and faith they have preserved in the region for 2,000 years, is of little consequence.

Israel’s prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu has gleefully exploited his ties to the powerful US evangelical lobby, happy that it dramatically increases his clout in Washington.

Anton Salman, a Palestinian Christian who recently became Bethlehem’s mayor, wrote in exasperation of these fellow Christians:

“No church worthy of its name should offer a theological smokescreen for the denial of our most basic rights as Palestinians.”

In Bethlehem, there might soon be few Palestinian Christians left to protect its holy sites, preserve its rituals and liturgy or conduct the nativity celebration itself. And irony of ironies, it will have been fellow Christians who helped to harry this community to extinction.

Saturday, December 23, 2017

Professing the Crusade: Shedding Light on Come from the Shadows

Professing the Crusade: Shedding Light on Come from the Shadows

by C. L. Cook - GRadio.Substack.com


November 23, 2011

I recently interviewed Terry Glavin, author of 'Come from the Shadows: the long and lonely struggle for peace in Afghanistan.' The book is a treatise arguing a necessary continuation of the decades-old war the "West" has waged against "Islamists" and "fascists" in Afghanistan.

[The link to an audio file of the interview is here, and square brackets indicate the time where a given quote can be accessed. Glavin's segment begins at 35:30].


Terry Glavin is a Canadian particularly concerned with Canada's continued contribution to 'The Mission' in Afghanistan. He uses that nation's abject suffering at the hands of the Taliban as justification for the largely unrecorded occupation force slaughter of civilians in their thousands through night raids, drone missile attacks, deaths in custody by torture, (at the hands of Afghan police, military, and the internal security apparatus) and summary execution of suspected "militants." 

His mission he claims is to speak for Afghanistan's women, bringing them universal suffrage and equal rights. Glavin told me the book was likely to be upsetting and confusing for a lot of readers saying,

"there's gonna be a lot of people it's gonna really hurt them a lot; it's gonna sting."[43:10]

"Sting," Glavin says because Canadians have been made "enfeebled in their understanding on Afghanistan," enfeebled because in his view "voices and the views and the positions of brown people are ignored and overlooked..."

Here Glavin refers to the hurt his Canadian readers will experience as he disabuses them their comfortable preconceptions and not that of Afghans continuing to be "hurt" by a reproduced Vietnam-era Phoenix Program-styled counter-insurgency.

The program has, according to a recently leaked report from the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), killed as many as 3,000 Afghans in a period of ten months spanning 2010-11; almost 1600 of those, more than half of the reported deaths, being civilians.

Glavin similarly expresses little concern for victims of so-called "Hit Teams," American soldiers discovered killing civilians for sport and marking their triumphs with body part trophies, just as in Vietnam. Nor does he express a concern for the abuses and excessive violence the burgeoning corporate mercenary armies operating within the borders visit upon the population with minimal accountability.

The book jacket flyleaf says Glavin is recipient of "more than a dozen writing awards, including the Hubert Evans Non-Fiction Prize and the British Columbia Lieutenant Governor's Award for Literary Excellence." It's unlikely however he'll receive any awards for Come from the Shadows, a bare-faced polemic defying even the most basic journalistic impartiality standards. But to be fair, Glavin is an assured propagandist whose craft is honed by his day job as a creative writing instructor at the University of Victoria and a recently secured gig as columnist for the establishment Ottawa Citizen newspaper.

Explaining his approach in an interview with the UVic student newspaper, The Martlet, Glavin told reporter, Brandon Rosario,
"I could have interviewed [the Taliban] anytime I wanted... but that's something I won't do, I confess I am a partisan." Adding,
"If I had the opportunity I'd call in the fucking drones, make no apologies for it."
This really cuts to the core of the book with its monotonous iteration of the vile retinue of anti-Muslim sentiment we've become all too accustomed to seeing since September 2001. Though he insists his primary concern is for the development of democracy and universal human rights for Afghans, he seems entirely inured to the human cost the military intervention fosters. His unrepentant willingness to "call in the...drones" allows he make no apologies for the knock-on effects of those attacks.

As a 2010 report reveals, drone-launched missiles kill more than one innocent for every two targeted individuals. Another investigation covering a period ending in September of 2011 puts the lie to recent CIA claims not one civilian has been killed in drone attacks, citing dozens of cases of just that and bringing into question the true identities of those "insurgents and al Qaida" members killed. 

That those targeted are done so based on the flimsiest of evidence without the benefit of judicial process too seems entirely appropriate to Glavin, the self-regarding defender of democratic principles and champion of universal rights for Afghans. These high-minded principles we're assured will one day be enjoyed by the survivors of those currently experiencing the terror of night raids on one side and insurgent bombings on the other. (Incidentally, what is happening in Afghanistan is in Glavin's view neither a war, nor an occupation; just as the invasion wasn't an invasion, and the US and NATO did not defeat the Taliban.)     

Glavin frequently dismisses people whose opinions he disagrees with as "polemicists" even while denying his own admittedly partisan book is polemical. He contends it's possible to be both partisan and fair. That may be true if one makes an honest effort to include voices and views differing from prescribed positions, but he fails to make that effort. Instead, Terry lambasts outspoken former Afghan MP Malalai Joya as being "worse than a joke", maintaining his friends in Afghanistan's liberal left regard her with something "between pity and contempt". He refers to Joya as a puppet, saying she has become, "[S]ome kind of marionette of comfortable, rich, white people in the NATO capitals". Which of these are pulling Joya's strings was not made clear in my interview with the author, and the index of his book fails to enlighten on the point.

Having interviewed Malalai Joya I find his low opinion, (the supposed opinions of the entirety of Afghanistan's "left liberal, secular reformist, intellectual community," that polyglot the unified opinion of which Glavin claims to represent) passing odd for a man who professes to be primarily concerned for the rights of Afghanistan's women folk. I find it stranger still a man with Glavin's obvious burning hatred of the Taliban renders so poor an account of a woman who herself describes them as "depraved and medieval". 

In her 2009 memoir, 'A Woman Among Warlords: The Extraordinary Story of an Afghan Who Dared to Raise Her Voice', (derided by Glavin without irony as a "polemical auto-hagiography") Malalai Joya writes,
"Dust has been thrown into the eyes of the world by your governments. You have not been told the truth. The situation now is as catastrophic as it was under the Taliban for women. Your governments have replaced the fundamentalist rule of the Taliban with another fundamentalist regime of warlords. [That is] what your soldiers are dying for."
Glavin agrees we in the West are not being given a true picture of the situation in Afghanistan, though he believes "worse than a joke" Malalai Joya is merely a "rock star", someone he says is only "dimly remembered" in the native country she "left". Trusting the testimony of Sabrina Saqib, a former colleague of Joya, while ignoring the woman herself driven from the Parliament, survivor of numerous assassination plots, (and at least four actual attempts) Glavin allows Saqib deliver the coup de grace,
"Malalai Joya has only some repeated sentences she keeps repeating, nothing new. You can listen to Malalai Joya once and record it, and repeat it."
But, you won't hear much of Malalai Joya's message repeated in Come from the Shadows. Instead, Joya's courage and contribution to her native country is tossed off and she denigrated as a "bit part" player whose message he compares to a needle placed on a vinyl record that effectively "drowns out everything else". Glavin does include a solitary quote taken from one of Joya's many speaking engagements in Canada, Europe, and the United States. In the single citation, taken from her address to the Canadian National NDP Convention in 2006, Joya tells those gathered,
"The situation in Afghanistan and conditions of its ill-fated women will never change positively as long as the warlords are not disarmed and both the pro-US and anti-US terrorists are removed from the political scene of Afghanistan."

It's an unequivocally clear statement given by a woman who has a considerably greater understanding of the need for the emancipation of women and men in that country than the author's single-minded determination that foreign military involvement is the only way forward. She is no impediment however to Glavin's self-confidence, as he blithely trots out his four guided trips to Kabul and environs as lending his opinion the gravity of a latter-day Lawrence. Ignoring reality, he dismisses Joya entirely because she does not provide in her speech a road map out of the quagmire, while accusing any who listen to her as being fantasists blinded by a fiction he calls "Absurdistan."

Malalai Joya at least made a mention in Glavin's book. The Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan, (RAWA) didn't even rate that; not a single line. I asked him about that occlusion during our interview. Unsurprisingly Glavin thinks little of RAWA, saying they have "[M]ore members in Santa Barbara than in all of Afghanistan". They too are in his view, "a joke". [45:50] 

Likewise, the Afghan Women's Mission goes without recognition. In fact, for a man who professes a lethal devotion to women's rights, feminism is entirely absent the index. And Glavin also has a curiously chauvinistic literary tic; repeatedly using terms like "high pitched" and "hysterical" to describe those guilty of following any line other than his own, with no apparent ken of the terms' offensiveness.

I asked Glavin who then he turns to for credible news and opinion on Afghanistan. His answer was essentially "no one". In lieu of references he asserts, "At least I paid the Afghan people the courtesy of visiting their country a few times..." as though that were enough experience "in the field" to dispel the notions of hide-bound foreigners using only telephones, computers, and libraries to inform their hopelessly remote opinions. [46:45]

But it is not only Rawa and Malalai Joya who are hopeless jokes and worse. Glavin manages too to smear Canadian career diplomat, Richard Colvin, calling him a "whiner" for his part in the coming to light of what in Canada became known as 'The Detainee Torture Scandal'. [57:07] (Terry denies a scandal existed; no torture, or even testimony alleging such a thing. [57:02]). 

The case of Canadian soldiers handing over prisoners to Afghan soldiers and police for systematic torture was according to the author, so much ado about nothing. He told me,

"Everyone wants to talk about the Detainee Scandal. I tell you, the people in Afghanistan laugh about this".[58:00] 
The UN, as Terry should know, find it less amusing. In a report released just last month the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan concluded nearly half of the detainees they interviewed had suffered torture and they confirm many of those incarcerated had been turned over to their tormentors, the National Directorate of Security (NDS) or Afghan National Police (ANP) forces for national security crimes, by international forces. 

Kathy Kelly, an American co-ordinator for Voices for Creative Non-Violence who has worked in Afghanistan for extended periods with youth especially recently reported from Kabul,
"Even though high commanders in the ranks of the US JSOC acknowledge that 50 percent of the time the night raids and drone attacks "get" the wrong person, (Washington Post, September 3, 2011), the US war planners have steadily escalated reliance on these tactics." 
She recounts the deaths of three students killed by ISAF in a case of mistaken identity, and the abduction of the single surviving "fighting age" male and his family's frantic attempts to find him.  

Fascists figure big in Come from the Shadows. They appear in many guises, and in my interview with Glavin I tried without success to find his definition of fascism and its adherents in the modern context. I believed it important because Glavin claims the right to kill them. [48:05]

Glavin says,
"I grew up in a culture where killing fascists was no vice." [55:02]. 

I'm sure he was referring there to his dear old Da, or perhaps Da Da sent across enemy lines somewhere in Europe in the 1940's, or perhaps shoring up as a member of the International Brigades to fight Franco in Spain in the thirties. In the book, Glavin compares the members of NATO and ISAF fighting Afghans to those volunteers battling Franco so long ago, claiming the Taliban are those fascists reincarnate, (replete with Nazi provenance). But he says the same of many "Islamists" in many lands and it begs the question, Just where does the crusade against the "fascists" end?

In the book, Glavin gleefully kicks at the recently deceased leader of Canada's NDP party, Jack Layton, and in our interview he wondered aloud how the NDP came to hold the same position on Canada's withdrawal from Afghanistan as the "crypto-fascist" Taliban?

This crypto-fascist creep seems the real crux of Terry Glavin's effort with Come from the Shadows, and as the world gears up for another propaganda assault designed to once again usher us into a full scale war, much broader this time than even those serial efforts already seen over the last ten years, the more light shone on that assault the better.

 

Postscript: Terry Glavin featured on Rex Murphy's November 20th radio program Cross Country Checkup for the full two hours. There, Rex allowed he fulminate fully his fascistic phantasmagoria. You can listen to him repeat the same tropes heard on my show with Rex here.

 

Last Post for the Myth of a Liberal American Media

The Other Side of the Post’s Katharine Graham

by Norman Solomon  - Consortium News


December 20, 2017

Hollywood loves to make heroes of The Washington Post for the rare moments when it has stood up for journalism – while forgetting the blood-soaked cases of the Post spreading lies to justify wars, writes Norman Solomon.

Movie critics are already hailing “The Post,” directed by Steven Spielberg and starring Meryl Streep as Washington Post publisher Katharine Graham.

Millions of people will see the film in early winter. But the real-life political story of Graham and her newspaper is not a narrative that’s headed to the multiplexes.

The Washington Post’s Watergate team, including from
left to right, publisher Katharine Graham, Carl Bernstein,
Bob Woodward, Howard Simons, and executive editor Ben Bradlee.

“The Post” comes 20 years after Graham’s autobiography Personal History appeared and won enormous praise. Read as a memoir, the book is a poignant account of Graham’s long quest to overcome sexism, learn the newspaper business and gain self-esteem. Read as media history, however, it is deceptive.

“I don’t believe that whom I was or wasn’t friends with interfered with our reporting at any of our publications,” Graham wrote. However, Robert Parry — who was a Washington correspondent for Newsweek during the last three years of the 1980s — has shed some light on the shadows of Graham’s reassuring prose. Contrary to the claims in her book, Parry said he witnessed “self-censorship because of the coziness between Post-Newsweek executives and senior national security figures.”

Among Parry’s examples:

“On one occasion in 1987, I was told that my story about the CIA funneling anti-Sandinista money through Nicaragua’s Catholic Church had been watered down because the story needed to be run past Mrs. Graham, and Henry Kissinger was her house guest that weekend. Apparently, there was fear among the top editors that the story as written might cause some consternation.” (The 1996 memoir of former CIA Director Robert Gates confirmed that Parry had the story right all along.)

Graham’s book exudes affection for Kissinger as well as Robert McNamara and other luminaries of various administrations who remained her close friends until she died in 2001. To Graham, men like McNamara and Kissinger — the main war architects for Presidents Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon — were wonderful human beings.

In sharp contrast, Graham devoted dozens of righteous pages to vilifying Post press operators who went on strike in 1975. She stressed the damage done to printing equipment as the walkout began and “the unforgivable acts of violence throughout the strike.” It is a profound commentary on her outlook that thuggish deeds by a few of the strikers were “unforgivable” — but men like McNamara and Kissinger were lovable after they oversaw horrendous slaughter in Southeast Asia.

Graham’s autobiography portrays union stalwarts as mostly ruffians or dupes. “Only a handful of [Newspaper Guild] members had gone out for reasons I respected,” she told readers.

“One was John Hanrahan, a good reporter and a nice man who came from a longtime labor family and simply couldn’t cross a picket line. He never did come back. Living your beliefs is a rare virtue and greatly to be admired.”

But for Hanrahan (whose Republican parents actually never belonged to a union) the admiration was far from mutual. As he put it,

“The Washington Post under Katharine Graham pioneered the union-busting ‘replacement worker’ strategy that Ronald Reagan subsequently used against the air-traffic controllers and that corporate America — in the Caterpillar, Bridgestone/Firestone and other strikes — used to throw thousands of workers out of their jobs in the 1980s and the ’90s.”

The Washington Post deserves credit for publishing sections of the Pentagon Papers immediately after a federal court injunction in mid-June 1971 stopped the New York Times from continuing to print excerpts from the secret document. That’s the high point of the Washington Post’s record in relation to the Vietnam War. The newspaper strongly supported the war for many years.

Yet Graham’s book avoids any semblance of introspection about the Vietnam War and the human costs of the Post’s support for it. Her book recounts that she huddled with a writer in line to take charge of the editorial page in August 1966:

“We agreed that the Post ought to work its way out of the very supportive editorial position it had taken, but we couldn’t be precipitous; we had to move away gradually from where we had been.” 

Vast carnage resulted from such unwillingness to be “precipitous.”

Although widely touted as a feminist parable, Graham’s Pulitzer Prize-winning autobiography is notably bereft of solidarity for women without affluence or white skin. They barely seemed to exist in her range of vision; painful realities of class and racial biases were dim, faraway specks. Overall the 625-page book gives short shrift to the unrich and unfamous, whose lives are peripheral to the drama played out by the wealthy publisher’s dazzling peers. The name of Martin Luther King Jr. does not appear in her star-studded, history-drenched book.

Katharine Graham’s decision to publish the Pentagon Papers was indeed laudable, helping to expose lies that had greased the wheels of the war machinery with such horrific consequences in Vietnam. But the Washington Post was instrumental in avidly promoting the lies that made the Vietnam War possible in the first place. No amount of rave reviews or Oscar nominations for “The Post” will change that awful truth.

Norman Solomon is the coordinator of the online activist group RootsAction.org and the executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. He is the author of a dozen books including “War Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death.”

Muskrat Madness: The Folly of John Horgan

The Madness of John Horgan

by Ken Boon - Peace Valley Landowner Assoc.


December 23, 2017

 The B.C. NDP government announced last week that it would complete the controversial hydroelectric dam rather than cancel the project.

The province's independent energy regulator concluded in a report last month that the dam is over budget and behind schedule. By approving Site C, Premier John Horgan has guaranteed that every underpaid and overworked Bob Cratchit in B.C. will pay a heavy price for his bad governance and that First Nations will pay the heaviest price of all in the loss of land and sovereignty.

The Ghost of Muskrat Madness can explain the full tragedy just by describing the disastrous problems at a hydro mega-project in Newfoundland.

Horgan said that in the decision of Site C, consent was not required as the decision to build the dam had already been made. I sometimes wonder if these leaders know how silly they sound with the semantics they use. The BC NDP government was making a critical decision on whether to cancel or proceed with the project. They made the motions of sending Ministers Mungall and Fraser to talk to the treaty 8 Nations.

But they didn’t bother talking to or meeting with First Nation in the province on the impact on them in not being able to produce clean energy because of Site C. Billions of dollars in lost investment. They didn’t calculate that in the cost of Site C and the money that would go into education, day care and hospitals from those projects.

What if now, the NDP marionettes cut their strings, followed their hearts, listened to their conscience and cancelled the Site C dam in 2018?

What if … we were given a Christmas present? Would it be that the NDP kept their promises and would not be shackled by unethical manipulation from the past?

The holidays are upon us, and thank goodness. It’s been a year of seismic headlines, global and local.


Ken Boon, President
Peace Valley Landowner Assoc.
SS#2, Site 12, Comp 19
Fort St. John, BC V1J 4M7

Email address: pvla@xplornet.com

Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/peacevalleylandownerassoc

Website: http://www.peacevalleyland.com/

Friday, December 22, 2017

Beware Your Wishes: Saudi Choice of Long War in Yemen Promises Destruction on All Sides

Let Yemenis Live

by Kathy Kelly - VCNC


December 23, 2017

On May 2, 2017, before becoming Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince, Mohammed bin Salman, as Minister of Defense, spoke about the Saudi-led coalition’s war in Yemen, a war he orchestrated since March of 2015. “A long war is in our interest,” he said, explaining that the Houthi rebels would eventually run out of cash, lack external supplies and break apart.

Conversely, the Saudis could count on a steady flow of cash and weapons. “Time is on our side,” he concluded.

Powerful people in the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Sudan, Bahrain, Kuwait, Morocco, Senegal and Jordan have colluded with Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince to prolong the war against Yemen.

The Saudis have employed Sudanese fighters from the terrifying Janjaweed militias to fight in small cities along Yemen’s coast line. The seeming objective is to gain ground control leading to the vital Port of Hodeidah. UAE military are reported to operate a network of secret prisons where Yemenis disappear and are tortured, deterring people from speaking up about human rights violations lest they land in one of these dreaded prisons.

Among the most powerful warlords participating in the war are the U.S. and the UK.

Despite the recent publicity for stern words from Donald Trump and Theresa May, urging Saudi Arabia to lift its blockade of Yemen, both countries continue to pocket billions of dollars selling weapons to Saudi Arabia.

President Trump swiftly condemned the Houthi fighters for firing several rockets at Saudi Arabia and the UAE. But the Houthis could claim to be using these weapons in self-defense after Saudi and UAE jets have dropped tons of bombs, purchased from the U.S. and the UK, on Yemeni cities and civilians.

Observers say if the U.S. stopped its midair refueling of Saudi bomber planes, the war would end shortly thereafter. Yet, the U.S continues these military operations. The UK still supplies the Saudis with surveillance, and both countries work to maintain a comfortable relationship with the Saudi Ministry of Defense and  Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

Just over 1,000 days of Saudi-led coalition war against the Houthi rebels in Yemen has been deadly and devastating for Yemeni civilians.

Mark Lowcock, the UN Humanitarian Coordinator in Yemen, says that 7 - 8 million Yemenis are one step away from starvation. The BBC reports that more than 80% of Yemenis lack food, fuel, water and access to health care.

The number of suspected cholera cases in Yemen has reached one million, according to the International Commission of the Red Cross.

1.8 million children in Yemen are acutely malnourished, including 400,000 under the age of five who suffer from severe acute malnutrition. Malnourished children are also at increased risk of dying from infectious
diseases.

Like the children of Iraq who perished by the hundreds of thousands during U.S. led economic war against Iraq, these little ones in Yemen mean harm to no one. They’ve done nothing to deserve punishment. Yet, they will pay the price for abysmally failed policies. The food and clean water they hunger and thirst for could reach them, but not if powerful elites decide it’s acceptable to blockade Yemen’s ports, bomb roadways, destroy sewage and sanitation systems, attack fishermen and farmers, and even kill participants at a wedding celebration.

After dancing in Saudi Arabia with Mohammed bin Salman and other Saudi princes, President Trump set in motion a $110 billion-dollar weapons deal. Boeing, Raytheon, and other military contractors already  benefiting from this deal will likely agree with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman: a long war is in their best interests.

But, ordinary people who prefer not to be represented by vicious warlords and who face no risk of torture, disappearance or other frightening punishments (people like me for instance) have a responsibility to speak up visibly and clearly. Time is running out for the children of Yemen. The Crown Prince is mistaken. Any war, long or short, may seem to favor the perpetrators, but in the long run wars sow seeds of revenge, retaliation,
hatred and death. Real courage requires control over our fears and mutual agreements to protect the most vulnerable among us. Especially the children.

Kathy Kelly co-coordinates Voices for Creative Nonviolence (www.vcnv.org )

From the Outrageous to the Bizarre: News from Empire's Edge

The Tamimis

by Mazin Qumsiyeh  - palestinenature.org


December 22, 2017

News gets more bizarre every week. It was revealed that Mohammad (Kushner) Bin Salman has spent a billion dollars to buy a home in France and one Leonardo da Vinci painting and another trillion dollars buying weapons from US Corporations (whose only use will be to kill more Yemeni civilians).

More bizarre for me was that Mahmoud Abbas dutifully condemned the rocket fired from Yemen in self-defense after Saudi Jets have dropped tons of US and British bombs on Yemeni cities.

Then we hear the Zionist puppets Nimrata Randhawa (who changed her name to Nicki Haley) and the (orange) bully Trump threaten countries who were about to vote at the UN based in support of international law (which says Israel is an occupying power in Jerusalem). Despite these bizarre threats, 128 countries voted with, 9 against, and 35 (shamefully) abstained (those who did not vote with international law should be held accountable by their people so please check how your country voted and challenge them).

Nimrata and the Orange puppets were really angry!! Their bosses in Tel Aviv were acting their usual schizophrenic, superiority/inferiority self. Resistance forces around the Arab World are growing. Collaborators are confused what to do (some are privately calling me for advise about the best way to reclaim a resistance heritage and step back from the brink ;-).

On the ground, the world's 4th or 5th largest army (by weapons and by manpower) who failed against Hamas and Hizballah went after more Palestinian children and unarmed civilians trying to hang on to our land (again the superiority-inferiority complex would explain this). So they arrested our friends Ahed Tamimi of Nebi Saleh (16 years old), her mother Nariman, her father Bassem, and her cousin Nour after shooting another cousin in the face (and injuring and abducting hundreds more in the last week).

I urge everyone to get informed then write to your elected officials and to the mainstream media and to use social media to publicize the injustices and demand freedom for all prisoners and for an end to the colonization and apartheid in all of Palestine. Some calls for action to release the Tamimi family and all child political prisoners:

https://israelpalestinenews.org/israeli-forces-imprison-16-year-old-palestinian-girl-mother-cousin-shooting-another-cousin-face/
http://www.yashebron.org/free_tamimi_family
https://nycsjp.wordpress.com/2017/12/20/demand-an-end-to-child-detention-free-ahed-tamimi-and-all-palestinian-political-prisoners/
https://secure.avaaz.org/campaign/ar/free_ahed/?kDPEYbb (102,000 signed this avaas petition)

For those of you in the US, Israeli Embassy and Consulate contact information is here:
https://embassy-finder.com/israel_in_usa

For those of you in other parts of the world, Israeli Embassy and Consulate contact information is here: https://embassy-finder.com/israel_embassies

Omar Barghouti on BDS: How Effective Is It?
http://imemc.org/article/omar-barghouti-on-bds-how-effective-is-it/


Stay Human

Mazin Qumsiyeh
A bedouin in cyberspace, a villager at home
Professor and (volunteer) Director
Palestine Museum of Natural History
Palestine Institute of Biodiversity and Sustainability
Bethlehem University
Occupied Palestine

http://qumsiyeh.org
http://palestinenature.org
Join me on facebook
https://www.facebook.com/mazin.qumsiyeh.9

Thursday, December 21, 2017

Ottawa's Poison Pustule: Lancing Canada's Foreign Policy Boil

Draining Ottawa’s Foreign Policy Swamp

by Yves Engler - Dissident Voice


December 21st, 2017

Drain the swamp’ was a popular Donald Trump campaign slogan that referred to reducing the influence of Washington lobbyists. While the three words reflect an extreme lack of ecological consciousness — wetlands need to be protected and recreated, not destroyed — the image of politicians slogging their way through lobbyist infected, tangled, dense vegetation and deep oozing mud is a useful one.

Like the US capital, much of Ottawa was also built on mosquitoes’ favourite habitat and both cities today have an ongoing pest problem: blood sucking influence peddlers swarming the countries’ decision makers. That image helps explain why there is little deviation from Canada’s official foreign policy positions even amongst social democratic members of Parliament.

The recently re-established Canada-Palestine Parliamentary Friendship Group (CPPFG) offers a window into the dearth of opposition, notably from the NDP, to the foreign policy establishment. Chaired by Liberal MP Marwan Tabbara, CPPFG has nine MPs representing all the parties in the House of Commons except the Conservatives. But, CPPFG isn’t one of 17 official parliamentary associations or groups so it doesn’t receive public financial or administrative support, unlike the Canada-Israel Interparliamentary group.

In an equitable world the Palestinian parliamentary group — not the Israeli one — would be subsidized to offer MPs a counterpoint to Canada’s pro-Israel ideological climate. Supporters of Israel have established a slew of programs at high schools and universities, as well as media ‘flak’ organizations and advocacy groups, to promote that country’s viewpoint. Additionally, the dominant media favours the Israeli perspective and the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs is among the most aggressive lobbyists on Parliament Hill so MPs are not lacking for access to this outlook.

The Israel vs. Palestine parliamentarian bodies offer a unique window into how international power relations are reflected in House of Commons associations. But, the parliamentary association system more broadly reflects inequities in global power and wealth.

Nearly half the 17 associations that share a $4.5 million public envelope are focused on Europe. There is a Canada-Europe Parliamentary Association and an associated Canadian Delegation to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Parliamentary Assembly as well as country-specific groups for France, Germany, Italy, Ireland and the United Kingdom. Alongside Canada’s European G7 allies, there are Japan and US parliamentary associations.

Though it is a competitor to the US-led geopolitical order, China’s economic might warrants a parliamentary group. There are also associations promoting the Francophone and Commonwealth, which are rooted in European colonialism (previously it was called the Empire Parliamentary Association).

The only two associations focused on the Global South are the Canadian Section of ParlAmericas Bilateral Associations, representing 35 countries in the Western hemisphere, and the Canada-Africa Parliamentary Association, representing 53 countries on the continent. (As is usual with Africa-related bodies, that association’s mission statement includes ‘benevolent Canada’ paternalism. It says “Canadian parliamentarians also have the opportunity to witness the local impact of programs funded by the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and to learn about Canada’s efforts in Africa from Canadian officials in the field.”)

There is no Cuba or Venezuela parliamentary association. Nor are there any focused on 1.3 billion Indians or 180 million Nigerians or a parliamentary association devoted to the counterhegemonic Non-Aligned Movement or ALBA (Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America).

Another way the Ottawa swamp forms MPs’ international views is through events and parties put on by diplomats. In The Blaikie Report long time NDP defence and foreign critic Bill Blaikie describes “enjoying many fine evenings” at the home of the British High Commissioner. Wealthier countries are more likely to have representation in Ottawa and have greater capacity to organize events promoting their country’s international positions.

Sometimes connected to diplomatic postings in the capital, MPs regularly travel on international trips organized and paid for by third parties. While the Globe and Mail has recently devoted significant attention to China sponsored trips, Israel and Taiwan have long been the principal destinations. A 2014 calculation found that a quarter of all federal MPs had been to Israel with an Israeli nationalist organization.

Opposition MPs are absorbed into the foreign policy establishment in other ways. At the start of year B.C. NDP MP Wayne Stetski participated in a House of Commons Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development mission to Ukraine, Latvia, Poland and Kazakhstan while last month Tom Mulcair went on a Committee mission to Beijing, Hong Kong, Hanoi and Jakarta. Last year NDP foreign critic Hélène Laverdière traveled to Israel with representatives of the other parties and in 2014 then NDP foreign critic Paul Dewar joined foreign minister John Baird and Liberal MP Marc Garneau on a visit to Iraq. Global Affairs Canada and diplomats in the field usually organize these visits.

The Canadian Group of the Inter-Parliamentary Union and the Canadian NATO Parliamentary Association are the final officially recognized parliamentary associations. A presentation at a NATO meeting convinced Bill Blaikie to support the organization’s bombing of the former Yugoslavia in 1999. “I myself”, Blaikie writes, “had been affected by the presentation at a 1998 NATO parliamentary meeting in Barcelona of an Albanian woman from Kosovo, who tearfully pleaded for an intervention to stop the anticipated wholesale slaughter of Kosovar Albanians.”

No official parliamentary association is devoted to de-militarization.

Beyond the NATO Parliamentary Association, MPs are drawn into the military’s orbit in a variety of other ways. Military officials regularly brief MPs. Additionally, the slew of ‘arms length’ military organizations/think tanks I detail in A Propaganda System: How Government, Corporations, Media and Academia Sell War and Exploitation speak at defence and international affairs committee meetings.

The Canadian Forces Parliamentary Program is, according to the Globe and Mail, a “valuable public-relations tool.” Set up by the Department of National Defence’s Director of External Communications and Public Relations in 2000, the Parliamentary Program embeds MPs in military training (Army in Action or Experience the Navy). According to the Canadian Parliamentary Review, the MPs “learn how the equipment works, they train with the troops, and they deploy with their units on operations. Parliamentarians are integrated into the unit by wearing the same uniform, living on bases, eating in messes, using CF facilities and equipment.” As part of the program, the military even flew MPs to the Persian Gulf to join a naval vessel on patrol.

Alongside the military, the arms industry lobbies MPs. Lockheed Martin’s name appeared 39 times in a “12-Month Lobbying Activity Search” of the Office of the Commissioner of Lobbying of Canada. CAE, General Dynamics, Raytheon, BAE and Airbus Defence were also listed dozens of times in the lobbyist registry. The Canadian Association of Defence and Security Industries has four registered lobbyists in Ottawa. Many of CADSI’s 800 members are also part of the Canadian Manufacturers & Exporters, Council of Chief Executives, Canadian Chamber of Commerce or Aerospace Industries Association of Canada. These groups also promote militarism and a pro-US foreign policy to government officials, though rarely do they speak in favour of withdrawing from military alliances or bucking Washington on an international issue.

Other corporations with international interests also have a significant presence on Parliament Hill. In a high-profile example, registered lobbyists representing Barrick Gold, Vale Canada, IAMGOLD, Goldcorp, Mining Association of Canada and Prospectors and Developers Association of Canada launched a ferocious campaign in 2010 to derail An Act Respecting Corporate Accountability for the Activities of Mining, Oil or Gas Corporations in Developing Countries (Bill C300), which would have restricted some public support for firms found responsible for significant abuses abroad.

Canada’s international banking, engineering, oil, etc. firms also shape attitudes in Ottawa. SNC Lavalin, CIBC, Bombardier and other Canadian-based multinationals’ names appear repeatedly in a “12-Month Lobbying Activity Search”.

The corporate/military/Global Affairs nexus predominates on foreign policy because there is little in terms of a countervailing force in Ottawa. Non-Governmental Organizations are sometimes considered critics of Canadian foreign policy, but NGOs are not well placed to challenge the federal government. Reliance on government aid and charitable status hampers their political independence.

On many domestic issues organized labour represents a countervailing force to the corporate agenda or state policies. But, unions rarely lobby MPs on international affairs.

The influence peddlers in the Ottawa foreign policy swamp represent a narrow range of interests.

So how do Canadians who want this country to be a force for good in the world effect change? Step one is to understand the system, then challenge the foreign policy establishment’s grip in Ottawa.


Yves Engler is the author of A Propaganda System: How Canada’s Government, Corporations, Media and Academia Sell War and Canada in Africa: 300 years of aid and exploitation.
 Read other articles by Yves.