Saturday, November 19, 2005

Cousin Crow: Goin' South

PEJ News - C. L. Cook - As family, I have to say it: "Cousin, you've got a problem."

www.pej.orgFoghorn Leghorn in Foghorn Leghorn.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foghorn_Leghorn

Cousin Crow: Goin' South

C. L. Cook

PEJ News
Novermber 19, 2005

The black birds come a-perch on the eaves, turning an ear to my Tom Waits tape. Peering, ever cautious, my feathered relatives cock a head and look, in what I swear is an askance attitude, seemingly questioning Ape's sanity.



Likewise, perched on the 49th parallel, I peer at you, your northern cousin America, and wonder at your state of mind.

Tom sings: "We've just got to keep the Devil down in the hole."

Look: I know your skin thin, and don't get me wrong, I'm not being critical unnecessarily, but I think there's something you're missing here. I've been more or less quiet; the Cuba, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Chile, Salvador, Timor, Nicaragua, Grenada, Panama, Haiti, Iraq, Yugoslavia, etc. thing has been a bit much, but now as you lap yourself with Iraq II, I feel something has to be said.

Please, stop.



Chris Cook
is a contributing editor to PEJ.org. He also hosts Gorilla Radio, broad/webcast from CFUV Radio, at the University of Victoria, Canada. Check out the GR Blog here.

Friday, November 18, 2005

History Not Dead, Just Smells Bad

PEJ News - C. L. Cook - A Hooded man, standing on a box, arms splayed crucifix-style, wires dangling from his extremities... Here we are. Nearly five years into it; five astonishing years, a cascade of unprecedented malfeasance and moral turpitude. Five years that's left America's facade cracked. The 'Bastion of Democracy,' survivor of revolution, depressions, World and Cold Wars, now stands guilty before the world a pariah; a committer of crimes so stark they dare'nt be mentioned for fear of the global repercussions. But, their's no escape for one of the history-denying authors of the current disaster threatening humanity, History's grim ghosts gather round him like a shroud.

www.pej.org


History Not Dead, Just Smells Bad
C. L. Cook

PEJ News
November 16, 2005

Reagan's Evil Empire had fallen. Many uttered platitudes to the "peace dividend." George Bush I talked of a new world order of compassion and cooperation, while the then-unknown men inhabiting the periphery espoused the belief that "history is dead," a eupemistic allusion to America's singular Ascension and its proper place at the head of the global table. There in George the First's court, the nascent Dick Cheney plied and plotted his way to the apex of power.

At least, that's the platter he's being presented to the public upon; served up, as a last supper in hopes to assuage a suddenly slavering press, hungry for corruption and eyeing a Pennsylvania Avenue main course, a meal almost certain. Do a Google on "Cheney" tonight and you'll see the first steps of Dick Cheney's political Danse Macabre.


Smoke Screens

Of course, in Mr. Cheney's case, the evidence of an unrestrained campaign of murder, torture, and ignominious disregard for humanity is unprecedented, if not for its blatant barbarity, for its sheer scale. The current Outrage de Jour over Whiskey Pete, aka Willy Pete, and properly, White Phosperous (WP) is at this hour being debated and defined and considered in legal frameworks on T.V. A little lost is the fact, admitted by the military itself, the use of this grotesque chemical weapon against towns in Iraq, is a crime recognized as such and clearly defined in international jurisprudence.

Hundreds of thousands dead. Cultural devastation and environmental destruction whose effects will be felt forever, and the employment of weapons no tyrant in the world's history possessed: These are the sins of the great fiasco writ opaquely; the details within this vague campaign contain litanies of casual moral digressions, any single case examination of which would surely sicken most good tax-paying Americans.

Cheney's overdue debut on the sarificial altar will provide weeks of diversion; time George II must be finding running short, as scandal and litigation multiply, engulfing many of his closest associates. If Bush can no longer assure his collaborators the presidency will survive long enough to dish out pardons, he knows canaries will sing and he'll sink. Another Nixon.

History seems now, like a spurned partner turning all its irony on they who would deny it. Cheney will be first to fall, but he's no Agnew. Something about Dick's weak heart and subterranean proclivities, brings more to mind erstwhile CIA head during, William Casey the corpse of convenience when Iran-Contra closed in on another Bush presidency.



Chris Cook
is a contributing editor to PEJ News. He also host Gorilla Radio, a weekly public affairs program, broad/webcast from the University of Victoria, Canada. You can check out the GR Blog here.


Stay informed. Subscribe and get the best of PEJ News by email. Free.

Sunday, November 13, 2005

Gorilla Radio for Monday, November 14th, 2005

Gorilla Radio for Monday, November 14th, 2005

Italian economist and writer, Loretta Napoleoni on "Islams Zorro" Abu Musab al Zarqawi, reputed leader of th 'al Qaeda in Iraq' terror organization.

Jon Elmer from Occupied Palestine

And, Janine Bandcroft bringing us up to speed on goings on in and around Victoria this week.


Chris Cook hosts Gorilla Radio, airing live every Monday, 5-6pm Pacific Time. In Victoria at 101.9FM, 104.3 cable, and on the internet at: http://cfuv.uvic.ca He also serves as a contributing editor at the progressive web news site: http://www.pej.org.

You can check out the GR blog at: http://GorillaRadioBlog.blogspot.com



Gorilla Radio for Monday,
November 14th, 2005
Chris Cook

PEJ News
November 13, 2005


Last week’s hotel bombings in Amman, Jordan has again focussed international attention on reputed terror king-pin, Abu Musab al Zarqawi and his elusive organization, the so-called al Qaeda in Iraq.

Loretta Napoleoni is an Italian economist and writer specializing in terrorist financing. She’s the author of several books, including ‘Terror Incorporated: Tracing the Dollars Behind the Terror Networks,’ and the recently released, ‘Insurgent Iraq: Al Zarqawi and the New Generation.’

Loretta Napoleoni in the first half.

And; over-shadowed by the Iraq occupation, the situation in Occupied Palestine continues to fester. Despite Israel’s much touted withdrawal of settlements from the Gaza Strip, life is not getting any easier for Palestinians, who are yet prisoners in their own land with little hope on the horizon for the long-awaited establishment of a sovereign state.

Jon Elmer is a Canadian journalist and founder of the news website, ‘From Occupied Palestine.org’

Jon Elmer from Palestine in the second half.

And; Janine Bandcroft will be here at the bottom of the hour to bring us up to speed on all that’s good to do in and around Victoria this week.

But first, Loretta Napoleoni and the Islamic Zorro, Abu Musab al Zarqawi.



G-Radio is dedicated to social justice, the environment, community, and providing a forum for people and issues not covered in the mainstream media.

Some past guests include: M. Junaid Alam, Joel Bakan, Maude Barlow, David Barsamian, William Blum, Luciana Bohne, Vincent Bugliosi, Helen Caldicott, Noam Chomsky, Michel Chossudovsky, Diane Christian, Juan Cole, David Cromwell, Jon Elmer, Reese Erlich, Anthony Fenton, Jim Fetzer, Laura Flanders, Chris Floyd, Susan George, Stan Goff, Robert Greenwald, Denis Halliday, Chris Hedges, Sander Hicks, Julia Butterfly Hill, Robert Jensen, Dahr Jamail, Diana Johnstone, Kathy Kelly, Naomi Klein, Anthony Lappe, Frances Moore Lappe, Dave Lindorff, Jim Lobe, Jennifer Loewenstein, Wayne Madsen, Stephen Marshall, Linda McQuaig, George Monbiot, Loretta Napoleoni, John Nichols, Kurt Nimmo, Greg Palast, Michael Parenti, William Rivers Pitt, Sheldon Rampton, Paul Craig Roberts, Paul de Rooij, John Ross, Danny Schechter, Vandana Shiva, Norman Solomon, Starhawk, Grant Wakefield, Paul Watson, Bernard Weiner, Mickey Z., Dave Zirin, and many others.


Stay informed. Subscribe and get the best of PEJ News by email. Free.

Saturday, November 12, 2005

Canadian Haiti Crime

Canada's Crimes Against Haiti
Norman (Otis) Richmond

Black Commentator
November 10, 2005

http://www.blackcommentator.com/
156/156_richmond_canada_haiti.html

Canadian Prime Minister Paul Martin is attempting to position himself as a champion of the downtrodden. Martin talks the talk but doesn’t walk the walk.

He put on quite a show at the United Nations 2005 World Summit.

"Canada cannot conceive of a world succeeding without the United Nations," said Martin. "But, make no mistake, the UN needs reform." He claims to support a reformed United Nations. Cuban president Fidel Castro also talks of a reformed United Nations. Are Martin and Castro on the same page? I don’t think so. Martin‘s "reforms" will do little or nothing to support the world’s oppressed. Castro’s vision is to completely transform the planet under a better arrangement for the down pressed.

While Canada did put boots on the ground in New Orleans and the Gulf Coast, Cuba also offered to help the American people. However, the American government refused Cuba’s helping hand. Spokespersons for US imperialism love to use the fact that Cuba interfered in the internal affairs of Angola in the 1970s and ‘80s. But the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the dominant group in the struggle for Angolan independence and the democratically elected government from Portugal, had invited the Cubans to help them fight off an invasion from Apartheid South Africa. What the average citizen does not realize is that the US also asked for and received military assistance from France, the Netherlands, Spain, Haiti and others, during its war for national independence.



A new book, Canada In Haiti: Waging War On The Poor Majority by Yves Engler and Anthony Fenton opposes Prime Minister Martin on the question of Haiti. Fenton is a Vancouver-based independent investigative journalist, radio correspondent, and activist, who traveled to Haiti one month after the coup that removed former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide from power. Montreal-based Engler, who is also author of Playing Left-Wing - From Rat to Student Radical, is an activist who traveled to Haiti in December 2004. Canada, France and the United States are all in bed in Haiti.

Engler and Fenton spoke at a public forum and book launch at Osie and discussed the growing support in Canada for the people of Haiti against the Canadian, U.S., French, and Brazilian occupation. The meeting was packed. Canada In Haiti exposes Canadian government and business responsibility for anti-Aristide coup against democracy. The chapter "Responsibility to Protect or A Made in Ottawa Coup?" points out the coup against Aristide was actually planned on Canadian soil.

From January 31-February 1, 2003, Canada’s Secretary of State for Latin America and La Francophonie, Denis Paradis, played host to a high-level roundtable meeting dubbed "The Ottawa Initiative on Haiti." Surprise, surprise, no representative of Haiti’s elected government was invited. However, Otto Reich, then President George W. Bush’s appointee as Assistant Secretary State for the Western Hemisphere, was in attendance.

Paradis leaked the fact that this meeting took place to journalist Michael Vastel, who reported the meeting in the March 15, 2003 edition of L'Actualite magazine.



Another chapter, "Using NGOs to Destroy Democracy and the Canadian Military Connection" exposes the shameful role played by many Canadian NGOs:

"Imagine a plan to provide Canadians their education, healthcare, water, and welfare through private foreign-government-funded charities, corporations and wealthy individuals. That may help us to visualize the Canadian NGO role in Haiti."

Engler and Fenton note that "without exception, documents obtained from CIDA (the Canadian International Development Agency) reveal that organizations ideologically opposed to Lavalas (Aristide’s party) were the sole recipients of Canadian government funding. Civil society groups supportive of Lavalas simply did not receive development money."

Many have said NGO stands for "Nothing Going On." However, a lot is going on in Haiti, the world’s first African republic. During a November 2004 visit to Haiti, Prime Minister Martin famously declared, "there are no political prisoners in Haiti." Annette Auguste, popularly known as So Anne, the folk artist and supporter of exiled president Aristide, herself behind bars, begs to disagree:

"If I am not freed there are political prisoners in Haiti. If former Prime Minister Yvon Neptune and former interior minister J. Privert are not freed there are political prisoners in Haiti. If all the prisoners in Haiti who have been arrested merely for their affiliation with Lavalas are not freed, there are political prisoners in Haiti."

So Anne was arrested on Mother’s Day 2004 in a military raid in which 20 US marines invaded her home "without a warrant using plastic explosives. They killed her two dogs and cuffed and hooded members of her family, including four minors under the age of 15." The pretext for the arrest was "information that she was stockpiling weapons in her home and planned to attack US interests in Haiti." No evidence was offered. So Anne is still in prison despite calls for her release.

There is a growing global movement in solidarity with Haiti. On July 21, protests against the July 6 massacre were mounted in 13 U.S. cities, five Canadian cities, in Paris, and in Brazil. Many of the demonstrations targeted embassies or consulates of Brazil because of that country’s role as leader of the military component of the UN occupation force.

Africans at home and abroad must come to the defense of the Haitian people. Haiti’s revolution led the way for Africans and the oppressed, worldwide. Frederick Douglass, a firm believer in the Haitian Revolution, delivered a Speech on Haiti at the World's Fair January 2, 1893 and was clear on Haiti’s role in the freedom of Black Americans. Said Douglas, "We should not forget that the freedom you and I enjoy today," he said, "is largely due to the brave stand taken by the black sons of Haiti ninety years ago…striking for their freedom, they struck for the freedom of every black man in the world."

Toronto-based journalist and radio producer Norman (Otis) Richmond can be heard on Diasporic Music, Thursdays, 8 p.m.-10 p.m., Saturday Morning Live, Saturdays, 10 a.m.-1 p. m. and From a Different Perspective, Sundays, 6-6:30 p.m. on CKLN-FM 88.1 and on the internet at www.ckln.fm. He can be reached by e-mail norman@ckln.fm.

Bush's Enemies List Sees Daylight


PEJ News - C. L. Cook - Reminiscent of the darkest days of the Nixon administration, anonymous White House staffers confirm George W. Bush has an "enemies" list Tricky Dick would envy.


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www.pej.org


Bush's Enemies List Sees Daylight
C. L. Cook

PEJ News
November 12, 2005

Beyond the botched break-in of the Democrat's election HQ by Nixon's so-called "plumbers," one of the most troubling facts to come out of the subsequent 'Watergate' investigations was the existence of an "official enemies list" compiled by the administration with the aid of J. Edgar Hoover's FBI. Now, the Beltway broadsheet, Capitol Hill Blue is reporting the Bush administration too has an enemies list, one dwarfing Tricky Dick's, and again the FBI is implicated.

According to the paper, Bush's list contains the names and incriminating details on more than 10,000 subjects deemed hostile to the administration, and even those believed critical of Bush during his tenure as governor of Texas. More worrisome than the existence of such a list is the misuse by Bush insiders of the so-called "Patriot Act" to investigate those disagreeing with administration policies.

The list includes information on members of Congress, local, state and federal officials and many media figures and ordinary citizens who have had the temerity to question Bush's reign. Some notables said to appear prominently on the list are filmmaker, Michael Moore, outspoken Senator, Barbara Boxer, and news bloggers behind the sites, Daily Kos and Wonkette.

Describing the methods behind the Bush team philosophy, an unnamed White House aide says: "If you want to know who’s sleeping with whom, who drinks too much or has a fondness for nose candy, this is the place to find it. Karl (Rove) operates under the rule that if you fuck with us, we’ll f*ck you over."

Karl Rove, Bush's chief political operative, is said to have begun the list while working on George W. Bush's gubernatorial run in Texas and was dramatically expanded following the passage of the Patriot Act in 2001. Rove allegedly made use of the FBI's "national security letters" to garner private information on perceived foes. The letters allow the FBI to intercept phone, financial, and internet records without the subjects knowledge, or judicial oversight. The letters are routinely sent to employers, banks, and other sources deemed likely to possess personal data. Those contacted are forbidden, on pain of prosecution, from informing individuals targeted.

Commenting on the list, a White House staffer said: "We’re talking about Big Brother at its most extreme. We know things about people that their spouses don’t know and, if it becomes politically expedient, we will make sure the rest of the world knows."

The White House has so far refused comment on the list.



Chris Cook
is a contributing editor to PEJ News and hosts Gorilla Radio, a weekly public affairs program that is no friend of the Bush administration. You can check out the GR Blog here.


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Friday, November 11, 2005

Torture Planet: Canada's Complicity



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PEJ News -
C.L. Cook - In a little more than a half-hour from time of writing, across Canada gathered citizens will bow their heads for a moment's remembrance of those fallen in the wars of the 20th century. Here, we used to call it Armistice Day, and the remembrance was originally meant as a warning to the would-be victims of future military adventurism that the peace MUST be recalled and protected: "Lest We Forget."

www.pej.org


Torture Planet: Canada's Complicity
C.L. Cook


PEJ News
November 11, 2005


But, today the admonition is a forgotten message, subsumed by flags, cannonades and firing squads. Today, Canada is a fully paid member of the new world war, George W. Bush's so-called "War on Terror." Canadian soldiers ship out over there to Afghanistan and Haiti and Iraq. Canadian sailors patrol the trade routes for the loot senior partner America extracts from the battlegrounds, while Canadian death squads, in the form of the secretive JTF2, and spooks assist the great "Project" promised to last a century.

In Ottawa, quisling politicos too are doing the bidding of their D.C. masters, aiding and abetting the illegal transport of prisoners from this country into the hands of America's burgeoning torture centres around the globe.

On November 9th, two days before the masses were beckoned out to again "remember," the United Nations issues a blistering condemnation of several nations taking part in what they term the "outsourcing of torture," and to our collective shame Canada's name appeared prominently alongside bastions of freedom and liberty Uzbekistan, Syria, Algeria, and Egypt. Fine company to be now keeping for the country once known for peacekeeping.

The U.N.'s accusations come in the wake of a 15 page report, 'Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment' presented to the General Assembly detailing the U. S. Central Intelligence Agency's global gulags. Manfred Nowak, special rapporteur on torture says: "Several governments, in the fight against terrorism, have transferred or proposed to return alleged terrorist suspects to countries where they may be at risk of torture or ill-treatment."

This runs counter to international law, as Article 3 of the United Nations' Convention Against Torture clearly states: "No State party shall expel, return ('refouler') or extradite a person to another State where there are substantial grounds for believing that he would be [in] danger of being subjected to torture."

How countries like Canada, the United States, and even gentle Sweden have circumvented the precisely worded prohibition is through the agency of "diplomatic assurances" and "formal guarantees" from "host" nations. These assurances coming from some of the most dispicable regimes on the planet are merely a wink and nod, understood by all to be absolutely meaningless. As Nowak says: "[D]iplomatic assurances are unreliable and ineffective in the protection against torture and ill-treatment and such assurances are sought usually from States where the practice of torture is systematic." Adding: these "assurances" have no standing in law and therefore: "they carry no legal effect and no accountability, if breached, and the person whom the assurances aim to protect has no recourse if the assurances are violated."

In George W. Bush's America this process has been formalized and granted the euphemism, "extraordinary rendition." But that sobriquet is misleading as the extraordinary becomes commonplace, as Francis A. Boyle, professor of international law at the University of Illinois describes the "reprehensive policy known euphemistically as 'extraordinary renditions'" that involve both the "enforced disappearances of persons" and torture, as "widespread" and "systematic." Citing Article 7 of the Rome Statute for the International Court, Boyle says this constitutes a "crime against humanity."

Boyle believes these crimes should be prosecuted, if not in the current political climate, at a future date (he notes these transgressions have no "statute of limitation") and all those taking part in this process, including White House legal counsel "legitimizing" these actions, should too stand in the dock, saying: "[A]ll Bush Jr. administration lawyers at the White House, the Department of Justice, and the CIA, inter alia, who signed off on 'extraordinary renditions' must also be prosecuted for aiding and abetting crimes against humanity, war crimes, torture, enforced disappearances, murder, and kidnapping."

So here we have Canada's Prime Minister, and the scions of our legal system criminals, serving an illegal, immoral, and indefensible policy of torture and murder in our names, today soberly laying wreaths to the lost generations of the past, while promising more of the same for the future.

Remembrance be damned!



Chris Cook
is a contributing editor to PEJ News. He also hosts Gorilla Radio, a weekly public affairs program, broad/webcast from the University of Victoria, Canada. You can check out the GR Blog here.


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Thursday, November 10, 2005

Colorado Soldier Founds Anti-War Group

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November 10, 2005 by Associated Press


Sgt. Kelly Dougherty went to Iraq in 2003, doubting that the war was just.
She returned in 2004, certain it was wrong, and co-founded Iraq Veterans Against the War.


Sgt. Kelly Dougherty joined over 3,000 at a Fayetteville, North Carolina rally to mark two years of war and occupation in Iraq, March 19, 2005. (Photo by Jeff Paterson)


"People say you are a traitor. People say you are unpatriotic," said Dougherty, 27, about her anti-war work. "We are doing this because we feel strongly about America.

"I really appreciate America, but we are capable of doing some very bad things."

Dougherty was stationed near Nazaria in southern Iraq for 10 months with the Colorado National Guard's 220th Military Police Co. She saw action but never fired her weapon.

Dougherty said the thousands of innocent civilians who have been killed and the broken American promises about repairing water, electricity and sewage systems convinced her the troops should come home.

The faces of Iraqi civilians mirrored her growing doubts.

"At first, the Iraqis smiled and waved, but at the end of my 10 months there, they'd turn away or make rude gestures," Dougherty said.

After she came home in February 2004, and left the Guard after eight years with an honorable discharge, Dougherty embarked on a new mission.

She put her life and income on hold to talk to college students, high school classes and community groups across the country.

"The war in Iraq is not about protecting this country. The war is about aggression," said Dougherty, who doesn't receive a salary for her work against the war.

At Regis College in Denver recently with the Wheels of Justice Tour, Dougherty said her unit was often ordered to burn broken-down civilian contractor trucks loaded with supplies rather than allow the impoverished Iraqis to loot them for the water, food, fuel and vehicle parts that could be sold.

"Most of us wanted to help the Iraqi people, but the only good we could do was give kids candy," she told six Regis students who gathered on a warm fall afternoon to listen to her. "That's not what they need. They need clean water and security."

The worst events she experienced involved civilians, including children, hit by contractor convoys that thundered along rural roads under orders to never stop.

"I wasn't protecting America. I was protecting Halliburton trucks going to military bases," she said.

Dougherty said her MP unit provided security for investigators at rural crash scenes, including a fatality where a military convoy killed a boy.

"The family was there. An older relative fell to his knees and collapsed on the ground. There was nothing they could do," she said.

Dougherty said she had hoped that American troops would help rebuild power plants, water systems and schools, but the only construction she saw was at military bases.

"From what I saw, we just created more chaos and violence," she said. "I became less and less convinced that we were there for a good purpose."

The rebuilding effort is the subject of a new report by the special inspector general for Iraq. While noting problems in the $30 billion U.S.-financed effort, the report also cited "steady progress" in parts of the program, despite what was described as "the hazardous security environment, the fluid political situation and the harsh realities of working in a war zone," according to a story in a recent Sunday edition of the New York Times.

Unlikely soldier

Dougherty, whose parents divorced when she was a child, grew up in a working-class neighborhood in Canon City. She was a good student who asked questions.

When she graduated from high school in 1996, she knew two things: that she wanted to go to college and that her parents couldn't afford to send her.

Her stepfather, Army veteran Jim Brenner, suggested she sign up for the National Guard for the college benefits.

Her father, Sean Dougherty, a Vietnam veteran, argued against it.

Nevertheless, Dougherty enlisted, along with her best friend, Elizabeth Spradlin, in the Colorado National Guard in Pueblo.

Her once-a-month service as a medic meshed with her classes at the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs. A biology major, she wants to work in health services.

She was deployed to Hungary for eight months in 1999 as an MP to escort troops to Bosnia. She was activated again as an MP in January 2003 for duty in Iraq.

"Before I went, I told an officer that I had reservations because Iraq wasn't behind the 9/11 attack," she said. "The officer said he had reservations, too."

That night, however, the officer told the platoon that Iraq was behind the 9/11 attack and that the country needed to strike back, Dougherty said.

"Our leader was misleading us," she said.

Her unit first went to Kuwait, where they huddled in a bunker for two days as alarms signaled incoming Scud missiles fired by the Iraqis.

"We were in full protective gear because we were told the missiles had chemical and biological weapons," Dougherty said.

The soldiers again were misled, she said. The U.S. later said the Iraqis didn't have biological or chemical agents or weapons of mass destruction.

On the anti-war trail

At high schools across the country and especially in Colorado Springs, Colorado's military hub, Dougherty tells students to look at grants and other sources of tuition help rather than the military.

"I tell them to take what the military recruiters say with a grain of salt," she said. "I tell them there are other options."

Dougherty, who wants to get a master's degree in public health, said most of the audiences she's talked to since July 2004 have been small and usually already agree with her stand.

But the Iraq Veterans Against the War itself has grown from Dougherty and her six-cofounders to 300 today. National polls show dwindling support for the war as well.

She's found she's a frequent target of pro-war tirades on blogs. Dougherty said she enjoys her discussions during speaking engagements with Iraq veterans who disagree with her.

"I say that I support them and my experience was different than theirs," she said.

Dougherty said she and her stepfather don't discuss her anti-war activities, but her father has become active in the movement.

At North Presbyterian Church in Denver recently, more than 75 people -- the group's largest audience of the week -- listened to Dougherty and two other Iraq veterans relate their experiences.

"There was a poll in Europe, rating the most dangerous countries. America was rated as the most dangerous," Dougherty told the gathering.

One of the audience members, Matt Walsh, 25, said he hadn't heard about the large civilian losses or the lack of water and food that had turned many of the Iraqi people against the U.S.

"I don't know anyone who's in Iraq," said Walsh, who graduated from college this year. "It could have been me that signed up to go to Iraq."

The audience gave Dougherty and the other vets a standing ovation.

"I came to find out from the ranks what has really gone on in Iraq," said John Addison, an Army veteran who was stationed in Germany during the Vietnam War. "I was impressed with what these soldiers had to say," he said.

Not all agree

During her talk, Dougherty said her few encounters with Iraqis, especially with the women, confirmed her belief that Iraqis are good people.

"It made me wish all the more that I was there in a different capacity than being part of the military," she said.

Jeff Chapman, a deacon at the church who wore an American flag tie and an American flag pin on his jacket lapel, listened, but disagreed.

"I feel more people would die here, in this country, if we didn't fight the Iraqi terrorists there," said Chapman, an Air Force veteran.

"But what these people are doing is great," he said. "I fought for their right to say these things."

Copyright © 2005 Associated Press

Waning Blair

Waning Blair: Not the End of the Beginning, But the Beginning of the End

PEJ News - C. L. Cook - Tony Blair's lame pronouncement on losing New Labour's first House of Commons vote in more than eight years sums up both his myopic world view, and his moral bankruptcy. With a somewhat less than stiff upper lip, Tony imparted this: "Sometimes it is better to lose and do the right thing than to win and do the wrong thing."

www.pej.org


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Waning Blair:
Not the End of the Beginning,
But the Beginning of the End
C. L. Cook

PEJ News
November 9, 2005

The right thing in question was his government's attempt to further strengthen what many already see as Britain's draconian "anti-terror" laws. Blair tabled legislation to extend the period the state can hold "terror suspects" in detention without trial or representation to 90 days. The House's rejection did not go so far as to repeal the nullification of Habeas Corpus, a power Blair's government previously granted itself, instead limiting the length of such detentions to 28 days. But, Blair's defeat is more significant than a single reversal, it signals the defection of Labour party members, effectively ending Blair's majority rule in parliament.

Undaunted, today Blair chided not only his own turncoat MP's, but the House as a whole, saying the thumbs down on his proposed legislation signalled a "worrying gap" between dissenting members and the public will. Defying irony, Blair's criticism denies his own massive loss of credibility among British voters.

Blair never recovered from the so-called "Downing Street Memos" (DSM) scandal that broke as front page news in Britain earlier this year. The memos of 2002 meetings held in the run-up to the Iraq invasion record British intelligence's extreme scepticism about reports of Saddam Hussein's ability to threaten either his neighbours or the U.K., suggesting the file was exaggerated to support the American determination to topple Iraq's government.

Opposition leader, Michael Howard used the loss in the House to again call for the Prime Minister's resignation, while "rebel" Labour MP, Paul Flynn warned back-benchers would not play Blair's "poodles," a not so subtle reference to Blair sobriquet "Bush's Poodle."

Despite the limiting of Blair's initiative, an amended version of the bill finally passed has Muslim in Britain expressing concern. They worry that the proposed banning of religious organizations and clamping down on Muslim websites and publications effect media freedoms and could prove further fuel for resentments and serve to push fanatical organizations underground.

A working group of Muslim experts simultaneously released the finding of their months long study of the July 7th tube bombings in London, saying British foreign policy was a "key contributory factor" to that act of terrorism and possible future attacks within England.

Party loyalists are playing down Blair's reversal, saying it's a "one-off," but with controversial policy bills on welfare, private pensions, and healthcare due to be read in the House in the new year, Blair will have a busy Christmas trying to bring his party to heel.

Blair's motion lost by 31 votes, despite Labour's 66 seat majority in parliament.



Chris Cook is a contributing editor at PEJ News. He also hosts Gorilla Radio, a weekly public affairs program, broad/webcast from the University of Victoria, Canada.

You can check out the GR Blog here.




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Sunday, November 06, 2005

Gorilla Radio for N07, '05

Gorilla Radio for Monday, November 7, 2005

PEJ News -
C. L. Cook - This week on GR: Muckraking investigative journalist, Russ Baker and a case for impeachment.

Concerned citizen and legal activist, Katherine Hughes and the strange case of the Good Doctor, Rafil Dhafir.

And; Janine Bandcroft, bringing us up to speed with all the good things to do in and around Victoria this coming week.

www.pej.org


Chris Cook hosts Gorilla Radio, airing live every Monday, 5-6pm Pacific Time. In Victoria at 101.9FM, 104.3 cable, and on the internet at: http://cfuv.uvic.ca He also serves as a contributing editor at the progressive web news site: http://www.pej.org.

You can check out the GR blog at: http://GorillaRadioBlog.blogspot.com



Gorilla Radio for Monday,
November 7th, 2005


There are encouraging signs that the criminal enterprise, known also as the Bush administration is, after fully five years of free reign being called to account for its myriad transgressions. The Grand Jury investigation into the Valerie Plame affair has, many believe, all the elements necessary to bring down George W. Bush, but is there the political will in America to carry it through?

Russ Baker is an award-winning, unabashed muckraking investigative journalist whose work has appeared across the media spectrum. He is a co-founder of MediaBistro, a website serving as a bridge between journalists and “new media” professionals. His latest endeavour is The Real News Project, which he describes as a “media production shop for groundbreaking, transformative, independent investigative journalism.

Russ Baker in the first half.

And; far-reaching laws enacted in the aftermath of the September 11th attacks in the U.S. have allowed for all manner of state excess. None have felt the sting of these laws more acutely than America’s Muslim community: imprisonment without due process, so-called “extraordinary rendition,” and broadened powers of search and seizure have combined to create a climate of fear for many Americans. But none of these is more disturbing than the “case” against Dr. Rafil A. Dhafir. Last month, after serving nearly three years in federal custody, Dr. Dhafir was sentenced to 22 years in prison: his crime; sending humanitarian aid to Iraq.

Katherine Hughes is a Syracuse, New York potter and student who followed the prosecution of the local doctor, Rafil Dhafir, and says she became so concerned with the ramifications of it held for civil liberties she took a hiatus from her studies to look more deeply into the case than the local media was willing to.

Katherine Hughes and the United States v. Rafil A. Dhafir in the second half.

And; Janine Bandcroft will be here to bring us up to speed on all that’s good to do in and around Victoria this week.

But first, Russ Baker and testing the media’s mettle.



G-Radio is dedicated to social justice, the environment, community, and providing a forum for people and issues not covered in the mainstream media.

Some past guests include: M. Junaid Alam, Joel Bakan, Maude Barlow, David Barsamian, William Blum, Luciana Bohne, Vincent Bugliosi, Helen Caldicott, Noam Chomsky, Michel Chossudovsky, Diane Christian, Juan Cole, David Cromwell, Jon Elmer, Reese Erlich, Anthony Fenton, Jim Fetzer, Laura Flanders, Chris Floyd, Susan George, Stan Goff, Robert Greenwald, Denis Halliday, Chris Hedges, Sander Hicks, Julia Butterfly Hill, Robert Jensen, Dahr Jamail, Diana Johnstone, Kathy Kelly, Naomi Klein, Anthony Lappe, Frances Moore Lappe, Dave Lindorff, Jim Lobe, Jennifer Loewenstein, Wayne Madsen, Stephen Marshall, Linda McQuaig, George Monbiot, Loretta Napoleoni, John Nichols, Kurt Nimmo, Greg Palast, Michael Parenti, William Rivers Pitt, Sheldon Rampton, Paul Craig Roberts, Paul de Rooij, John Ross, Danny Schechter, Vandana Shiva, Norman Solomon, Starhawk, Grant Wakefield, Paul Watson, Bernard Weiner, Mickey Z., Dave Zirin, and many others.


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Saturday, November 05, 2005

Keeping Humpty on the Wall: All the President's Media


http://www.digitalproimages.com/
images_art/go_humpty_dumpty.jpg



All the King's Media
WILLIAM GREIDER

The Nation
[from the November 21, 2005 issue]


Amid the smoke and stench of burning careers, Washington feels a bit like the last days of the ancien régime. As the world's finest democracy, we do not do guillotines. But there are other less bloody rituals of humiliation, designed to reassure the populace that order is restored, the Republic cleansed. Let the perp walks begin. Whether the public feels reassured is another matter.

George W. Bush's plight leads me to thoughts of Louis XV and his royal court in the eighteenth century. Politics may not have changed as much as modern pretensions assume. Like Bush, the French king was quite popular until he was scorned, stubbornly self-certain in his exercise of power yet strangely submissive to manipulation by his courtiers. Like Louis Quinze, our American magistrate (whose own position was secured through court intrigues, not elections) has lost the "royal touch." Certain influential cliques openly jeer the leader they not so long ago extolled; others gossip about royal tantrums and other symptoms of lost direction. The accusations stalking his important counselors and assembly leaders might even send some of them to jail. These political upsets might matter less if the government were not so inept at fulfilling its routine obligations, like storm relief. The king's sorry war drags on without resolution, with people still arguing over why exactly he started it. The staff of life--oil, not bread--has become punishingly expensive. The government is broke, borrowing formidable sums from rival nations. The king pretends nothing has changed.

The burnt odor in Washington is from the disintegrating authority of the governing classes. The public's darkest suspicions seem confirmed. Flagrant money corruption, deceitful communication of public plans and purposes, shocking incompetence--take your pick, all are involved. None are new to American politics, but they are potently fused in the present circumstances. A recent survey in Wisconsin found that only 6 percent of citizens believe their elected representatives serve the public interest. If they think that of state and local officials, what must they think of Washington?

We are witnessing, I suspect, something more momentous than the disgrace of another American President. Watergate was red hot, but always about Richard Nixon, Richard Nixon. This convergence of scandal and failure seems more systemic, less personal. The new political force for change is not the squeamish opposition party called the Democrats but a common disgust and anger at the sordidness embedded in our dysfunctional democracy. The wake from that disgust may prove broader than Watergate's (when democracy was supposedly restored by Nixon's exit), because the anger is also splashing over once-trusted elements of the establishment.

Heroic truth-tellers in the Watergate saga, the established media are now in disrepute, scandalized by unreliable "news" and over-intimate attachments to powerful court insiders. The major media stood too close to the throne, deferred too eagerly to the king's twisted version of reality and his lust for war. The institutions of "news" failed democracy on monumental matters. In fact, the contemporary system looks a lot more like the ancien régime than its practitioners realize. Control is top-down and centralized. Information is shaped (and tainted) by the proximity of leading news-gatherers to the royal court and by their great distance from people and ordinary experience.

People do find ways to inform themselves, as best they can, when the regular "news" is not reliable. In prerevolutionary France, independent newspapers were illegal--forbidden by the king--and books and pamphlets, rigorously censored by the government. Yet people developed a complex shadow system by which they learned what was really going on--the news that did not appear in official court pronouncements and privileged publications. Cultural historian Robert Darnton, in brilliantly original works like The Literary Underground of the Old Regime, has mapped the informal but politically potent news system by which Parisians of high and low status circulated court secrets or consumed the scandalous books known as libelles, along with subversive songs, poems and gossip, often leaked from within the king's own circle. News traveled in widening circles. Parisians gathered in favored cafes, designated park benches or exclusive salons, where the forbidden information was read aloud and copied by others to pass along. Parisians could choose for themselves which reality they believed. The power of the French throne was effectively finished, one might say, once the king lost control of the news. (It was his successor, Louis XVI, who lost his head.)

Something similar, as Darnton noted, is occurring now in American society. The centralized institutions of press and broadcasting are being challenged and steadily eroded by widening circles of unlicensed "news" agents--from talk-radio hosts to Internet bloggers and others--who compete with the official press to be believed. These interlopers speak in a different language and from many different angles of vision. Less authoritative, but more democratic. The upheaval has only just begun, but already even the best newspapers are hemorrhaging circulation. Dan Gillmor, an influential pioneer and author of We the Media, thinks tomorrow's news, the reporting and production, will be "more of a conversation, or a seminar"--less top-down, and closer to how people really speak about their lives.

Which brings us to the sappy operetta of the reporter and her influential source: Scooter Libby, the Vice President's now-indicted war wonk, and Judith Miller, the New York Times's intrepid reporter and First Amendment martyr. What seems most shocking about their relationship is the intimacy. "Come back to work--and life," Scooter pleaded in a letter to Judy, doing her eighty-five days in jail. "Out west, where you vacation, the aspens will already be turning. They turn in clusters, because their roots connect them." Miller responded in her bizarre first-person Times account by telling a cherished memory of Scooter. Out West, she said, a man in sunglasses, dressed like a cowboy, approached and spoke to her: "Judy, it's Scooter Libby."

Are Washington reporters really that close to their sources? For her part, Miller has a "tropism toward powerful men," as Times columnist Maureen Dowd delicately put it. This is well-known gossip in court circles, but let's not go there. Boy reporters also suck up to powerful men with shameful deference, wanting to be loved by the insiders so they can be inside too (shades of the French courtiers). The price of intimacy is collected in various coins, but older hands in the news business understand what is being sold. The media, Christopher Dickey of Newsweek observed in a web essay, "long ago concluded having access to power is more important than speaking truth to it."

The elite press, like any narcissistic politician, tells a heart-warming myth about itself. Reporters, it is said, dig out the hard facts to share with the people by locating anonymous truth-tellers inside government. They then protect these sources from retaliation by refusing to name them, even at the cost of going to prison. That story line was utterly smashed by this scandal. Reporters were prepared to go to jail to protect sources who were not exactly whistleblowers cowering in anonymity. They were Libby and Karl Rove--the king's own counselors at the pinnacle of government. They were the same guys who collaborated on the bloodiest political deception of the Bush presidency: the lies that took the country into war. So, in a sense, the press was also protecting itself from further embarrassment. The major media, including the best newspapers, all got the war wrong, and for roughly the same reason--their compliant proximity to power. With a few honorable exceptions, they bought into the lies and led cheers for war. They ignored or downplayed the dissent from some military leaders and declined to explore tough questions posed by anyone outside the charmed circle. The nation may not soon forget this abuse of privileged status, nor should it.

Leaks and whispers are a daily routine of news-gathering in Washington. The sweet irony of President Bush's predicament is that it was partly self-induced. His White House deputies enforced discipline on reporters and insiders, essentially shutting down the stream of nonofficial communications and closing the informal portals for dissent and dispute within government. This was new in the Bush era, and it's ultimately been debilitating. It has made reporters still more dependent on the official spin, as the Administration wanted, but it has also sealed off the king from the flow of high-level leaks and informative background noises that help vet developing policies and steer reporters to the deeper news.

The paradox of our predicament is that, unlike the ancien régime, US citizens do enjoy free speech, free press and other rights to disturb the powerful. In this country you can say aloud or publish just about anything you like. But will anyone hear you? The audible range of diverse and rebellious voices has been visibly shrunk in the last generation. The corporate concentration of media ownership has put a deadening blanket over the usual cacophony of democracy, with dissenting voices screened for acceptability by young and often witless TV producers. Corporate owners have a strong stake in what gets said on their stations. Why piss off the President when you will need his good regard for so many things? Viewers have a zillion things to watch, but if you jump around the dial, with luck you will always be watching a General Electric channel.

How did it happen that the multiplication of outlets made possible by technology led to a concentration of views and opinions--ones usually anchored by the conventional wisdom of center-right sensibilities? Where did the "freedom" go? Where are the people's ideas and observations? Al Gore, who found his voice after he lost the presidency, recently expressed his sense of alarm: "I believe that American democracy is in grave danger. It is no longer possible to ignore the strangeness of our public discourse." The bread-and-circuses format that monopolizes the public's airwaves is driven by a condescending commercial calculation that Americans are too stupid to want anything more. But that assumption becomes fragile as other voices find other venues for expression. This is an industry crisis that will be very healthy for the society, a political opening to rearrange access and licensing for democratic purposes.

For the faltering press, the bloggers will keep sharpening their swords, slicing away at the established order. This is good, but the pressure will lead to meaningful change only if the Internet artisans innovate further, organizing new formats and techniques for networking among more diverse people and interests. The daily feed of facts and bile from bloggers has been wondrously effective in unmasking the pretensions of the big boys, but the broader society needs more--something closer to the democratic "conversations and seminars" that Gillmor envisions, and less dependent on partisan fury and accusation.

As an ex-Luddite, I came to the web with the skepticism of an old print guy. Against expectations, I am experiencing sustained exchanges with many far-flung people I've never met--dialogues that inform both of us and are utterly voluntary experiences. This is a promising new form of consent. Democracy, I once wrote, begins not at election time but in human conversation.

Establishment newspapers like the New York Times face a special dilemma, one they may not easily resolve. Under assault, do editors and reporters align still more closely with the establishment interests to maintain an air of "authority," or do they get down with folks and dish it out to the powerful? Scandal and crisis compelled the Times to lower its veil of authority a bit and acknowledge error (a shocking development itself). But while the Times is in my view the best, most interesting newspaper, it always will be establishment. For instance, it could be more honest about its longstanding newsroom tensions between "liberals" and "neocons." What the editors might re-examine is their own defensive concept of what's authoritative. It is not just Bush's war that blinded sober judgment and led to narrow coverage. In many other important areas--political decay and global economics, among others--the Times (like other elite papers) seems afraid to acknowledge that wider, more fundamental debate exists. It chooses to report only one side--the side of received elite opinion.

Readers do understand--surprise!--that the Times is not infallible. A newspaper comes out every day and gets something wrong. Tomorrow, it comes out again and can try to get it right. In essence, that is what people and critics already know. They are more likely to be forgiving if the newspaper loosens up a bit and makes room for more divergent understandings of what's happening. But as more irreverent voices elbow their way into the "news" system, the big media are likely to lose still more audience if they cannot get more distance from throne and power.

What will come of all this? Possibly, not much. The cluster of scandals and breakdown may simply feed the people's alienation and resignation. The governing elites, including major media, are in denial, unwilling to speak honestly about the perilous economic circumstances ahead, the burgeoning debt from global trade, the sinking of the working class and other threatening conditions. When those realities surface, many American lives will be upended with no available recourse and no one in authority they can trust, since the denial and evasion are bipartisan. That's a very dangerous situation for a society--an invitation to irrational angers and scapegoating. It will require a new, more encompassing politics to avert an ugly political contagion. We need more reliable "news" to recover democracy.

Canadian Empire?

Malign Neglect or Imperialism?
Nikolas Barry-Shaw

03/11/2005 - 03:58


What is happening right now in Haiti is probably Canada’s worst foreign policy crime in the last 50 years. The Canadian government helped plan and carry out the destabilization of Haiti’s elected government, culminating in the February 2004 coup d’état/kidnapping of President Jean Bertrand Aristide by U.S. Marines and Canada’s Joint Task Force 2. Since then, the coup-installed government and its death squad allies have waged an all-out war against Aristide’s Lavalas movement and its supporters with the full and enthusiastic backing of Paul Martin’s Liberal government.

Canadian police lead the UN police mission (UNPOL) responsible for training, vetting and overseeing the new Haitian National Police (HNP). Under their watch, hundreds of former Haitian Army (FAd’H) officers, death squad members and individuals who “have been involved in drug rackets, kidnappings, extra judicial killings or other illegal activities,” have been integrated into the HNP, according to the Catholic Institute for International Relations. The result has been massacres, violent and indiscriminate raids on poor neighborhoods, summary executions, attacks on journalists and peaceful demonstrators and arbitrary mass arrests. Thousands have been killed and thousands more have gone into hiding or taken exile in another country. When asked about reports of these abuses by human rights groups and mainstream news agencies, Foreign Affairs Minister Pierre Pettigrew has scornfully dismissed all evidence as “propaganda which is absolutely not interesting.”

Canada is also deeply involved in the functioning of Haiti’s justice system. Deputy Justice Minister Philippe Vixamar is a direct employee of the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and was assigned to his position by the Agency. In an interview, Vixamar revealed that the U.S. and Canadian governments play key roles in the criminal justice system, including paying high-level government officials. The prison system is massively overcrowded with hundreds if not thousands of political prisoners, including Lavalas presidential candidate and Amnesty International “prisoner of conscience” Father Gerard Jean-Juste. Meanwhile, death squad leaders such as Louis Jodel Chamblain are acquitted in sham trials. Special Advisor to the PM on Haiti Denis Coderre has been exceptionally duplicitous on the matter, claiming, without apparent irony, “Canada would not get involved in Haiti’s justice system.”

Repression is the only means of holding power available to an illegitimate government pushing through an anti-popular program, as the installed regime of Prime Minister Gerard Latortue has amply demonstrated. Canada helped craft the neoliberal plan for post-coup Haiti and has played a crucial part in propping up the corrupt cabal of technocrats and supporters of the former Duvalier dictatorship that forms the interim government. As part of this plan, subsidies for Haiti’s impoverished farmers have been slashed, the minimum wage has been reduced and an extremely successful adult literacy program has been dismantled by the Latortue regime, while large businesses have been given a three-year tax holiday and ex-FAd’H soldiers have been paid the outrageous sum of $30 million in “back wages”. The ground is also being prepared for the privatization of Haiti’s state enterprises, a policy vigorously opposed by the Haitian people. The Interim Cooperation Framework (ICF), a document outlining the priorities of the “transitional government” and the donor countries, touts “private sector participation” in state enterprises and makes clear the anti-democratic nature of these reforms: “The transition period . . . provide[s] a window of opportunity for implementing economic governance reforms . . . that may be hard for a future government to undo.” Canada helped draft the ICF and has donated $147 million in support of it.

Straightforward graft is flourishing under the installed government. Early on, the Office of the Prime Minister was rocked by a corruption scandal that involved diverting 15,000 bags of rice destined for the poor of Port-au-Prince, resulting in the suspension of two high-level officials close to Gerard Latortue. Youri Latortue, nephew of the Prime Minister and security chief of the National Palace, has been dubbed “Mister 30 Percent” by the French press for the cut he takes on favours, and is reportedly involved with smuggling drugs and guns. Recently, the Haitian news service Agence Haitien de Presse revealed that the government had been writing monthly checks for 6,000 police officers, despite there being only 4,000 officers in the HNP.

Despite (or perhaps because of) this atrocious record, the Canadian government has used every diplomatic means available in an effort to provide legitimacy to the installed government. High-level Canadian officials, such as Paul Martin, Pierre Pettigrew and Denis Coderre have made numerous visits to Haiti since the coup to “underline Canada’s support of the interim government and [their] intention to remain involved for the long term.” Canada has also organized and hosted international conferences with the Latortue government and chided other nations to disburse their aid more quickly. Paul Martin has even chastised CARICOM (the group of Caribbean countries) leaders for their refusal to recognize the installed government and their continued calls for an independent investigation into the removal of President Aristide. CARICOM is not alone in its opposition to the coup: Venezuela and the 53 nations of the African Union have also withheld recognition of the Latortue regime, and the ANC, South Africa’s governing party, has launched a campaign calling for the return of democracy to Haiti.

It hardly comes as a surprise that Canadian government officials and their PR flaks to have sought to deceive the public while carrying out their nefarious dealings in Haiti. Yet the government has received help in this endeavour from some unlikely sources: various self-denoted “left” or “progressive” NGOs have misrepresented the causes of the human rights disaster in Haiti and ignored Canada’s intervention almost completely, thus becoming complicit, wittingly or not, in the government’s “perception management” operations. Pierre Beaudet’s Rabble.ca piece “Haiti: Where should the left stand?” defending his organization Alternatives’ position on Haiti is but the most recent example. While his distortions of Haiti’s history since 1995 (especially concerning the 2000 elections and after) are significant, it is Beaudet’s assessment of the present that we will look at here.

Beaudet seriously minimizes the ruthless violence of the interim government and its Canadian-trained police force, devoting all of one sentence to the repression of Lavalas and voicing only tepid opposition to it. Moreover, Beaudet prefaces his trite reference to the anti-Lavalas witch hunt with the discredited notion of Aristide using “hard nosed gangs” to “create havoc”, implicitly laying the blame on the victims. Indeed, the Lavalas movement is portrayed as little more than a gang of criminals and drug runners in Beaudet’s article. Yet the depth of support Lavalas continues to enjoy belies such characterizations. First of all, the large majority of Lavalas’ base is located in the countryside, where at least 65% of the population lives. Rural Haiti is not exactly the preserve of ganglords and drug dealers, as Dr. Paul Farmer, renowned for his work against AIDS, malaria and TB in the Central Plateau and other parts of Haiti, explains: “I personally, in all my years in Haiti, have never once seen a peasant with a gun. And almost all of the ones around these parts are members of Famni Lavalas (Aristide's party). Now I've tended to many gunshot wounds, but they've been inflicted by former soldiers, police, or people who have cars to drive - not peasants.” In the cities, Lavalas has mobilized tens of thousands of people for demonstrations many times since the coup, despite the (frequently realized) threat of police using gunfire to break up protests. Even observers as hostile as the American and Canadian embassies have acknowledged that Lavalas is still the most popular political movement in Haiti.

While rhetorically opposing imperialism, Beaudet’s actual critique of the foreign powers’ current involvement in Haiti boils down to an accusation of malign neglect: Canada has not been “generous” enough with its aid policies and the international community have failed to “clean the mess” in Haiti as promised. Yet UN troops have been trying to “clean the mess” by carrying out frequent raids into pro-Lavalas slums, with deadly consequences for the population, and contrary to Beaudet’s belief, Canada has been extremely generous to the de facto Haitian government it helped install. What is Beaudet’s criticism of Gerard Latortue’s government, an exceedingly corrupt and undemocratic administration that is repressing its political opponents on a massive scale and reordering Haiti’s economy along neoliberal lines? Merely that it has been “ineffective”.

The hypocrisy (and serviceability to power) of this stance is worth noting: Aristide was accused of having these very same flaws (undemocratic, corrupt, neoliberal) and received unrelenting condemnation from NGOs such as Alternatives, yet no such opprobrium is forthcoming from Beaudet when it comes to the U.S./Canada puppet regime. Indeed, Beaudet seems more interested in talking about “the crimes that everyone knew Aristide had committed,” than about the serious and ongoing crimes of Canada and the interim government, crimes for which we, as Canadian citizens, hold far more responsibility.

In short, Aristide is not the issue; Canada’s role as a junior partner to U.S. imperialism is the issue.


www.outofhaiti.ca

A Canadian Empire?

Nikolas Barry-Shaw

Rabble.ca
03/11/2005 - 03:58

What is happening right now in Haiti is probably Canada’s worst foreign policy crime in the last 50 years. The Canadian government helped plan and carry out the destabilization of Haiti’s elected government, culminating in the February 2004 coup d’état/kidnapping of President Jean Bertrand Aristide by U.S. Marines and Canada’s Joint Task Force 2. Since then, the coup-installed government and its death squad allies have waged an all-out war against Aristide’s Lavalas movement and its supporters with the full and enthusiastic backing of Paul Martin’s Liberal government.

Canadian police lead the UN police mission (UNPOL) responsible for training, vetting and overseeing the new Haitian National Police (HNP). Under their watch, hundreds of former Haitian Army (FAd’H) officers, death squad members and individuals who “have been involved in drug rackets, kidnappings, extra judicial killings or other illegal activities,” have been integrated into the HNP, according to the Catholic Institute for International Relations. The result has been massacres, violent and indiscriminate raids on poor neighborhoods, summary executions, attacks on journalists and peaceful demonstrators and arbitrary mass arrests. Thousands have been killed and thousands more have gone into hiding or taken exile in another country. When asked about reports of these abuses by human rights groups and mainstream news agencies, Foreign Affairs Minister Pierre Pettigrew has scornfully dismissed all evidence as “propaganda which is absolutely not interesting.”

Canada is also deeply involved in the functioning of Haiti’s justice system. Deputy Justice Minister Philippe Vixamar is a direct employee of the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and was assigned to his position by the Agency. In an interview, Vixamar revealed that the U.S. and Canadian governments play key roles in the criminal justice system, including paying high-level government officials. The prison system is massively overcrowded with hundreds if not thousands of political prisoners, including Lavalas presidential candidate and Amnesty International “prisoner of conscience” Father Gerard Jean-Juste. Meanwhile, death squad leaders such as Louis Jodel Chamblain are acquitted in sham trials. Special Advisor to the PM on Haiti Denis Coderre has been exceptionally duplicitous on the matter, claiming, without apparent irony, “Canada would not get involved in Haiti’s justice system.”

Repression is the only means of holding power available to an illegitimate government pushing through an anti-popular program, as the installed regime of Prime Minister Gerard Latortue has amply demonstrated. Canada helped craft the neoliberal plan for post-coup Haiti and has played a crucial part in propping up the corrupt cabal of technocrats and supporters of the former Duvalier dictatorship that forms the interim government. As part of this plan, subsidies for Haiti’s impoverished farmers have been slashed, the minimum wage has been reduced and an extremely successful adult literacy program has been dismantled by the Latortue regime, while large businesses have been given a three-year tax holiday and ex-FAd’H soldiers have been paid the outrageous sum of $30 million in “back wages”. The ground is also being prepared for the privatization of Haiti’s state enterprises, a policy vigorously opposed by the Haitian people. The Interim Cooperation Framework (ICF), a document outlining the priorities of the “transitional government” and the donor countries, touts “private sector participation” in state enterprises and makes clear the anti-democratic nature of these reforms: “The transition period . . . provide[s] a window of opportunity for implementing economic governance reforms . . . that may be hard for a future government to undo.” Canada helped draft the ICF and has donated $147 million in support of it.

Straightforward graft is flourishing under the installed government. Early on, the Office of the Prime Minister was rocked by a corruption scandal that involved diverting 15,000 bags of rice destined for the poor of Port-au-Prince, resulting in the suspension of two high-level officials close to Gerard Latortue. Youri Latortue, nephew of the Prime Minister and security chief of the National Palace, has been dubbed “Mister 30 Percent” by the French press for the cut he takes on favours, and is reportedly involved with smuggling drugs and guns. Recently, the Haitian news service Agence Haitien de Presse revealed that the government had been writing monthly checks for 6,000 police officers, despite there being only 4,000 officers in the HNP.

Despite (or perhaps because of) this atrocious record, the Canadian government has used every diplomatic means available in an effort to provide legitimacy to the installed government. High-level Canadian officials, such as Paul Martin, Pierre Pettigrew and Denis Coderre have made numerous visits to Haiti since the coup to “underline Canada’s support of the interim government and [their] intention to remain involved for the long term.” Canada has also organized and hosted international conferences with the Latortue government and chided other nations to disburse their aid more quickly. Paul Martin has even chastised CARICOM (the group of Caribbean countries) leaders for their refusal to recognize the installed government and their continued calls for an independent investigation into the removal of President Aristide. CARICOM is not alone in its opposition to the coup: Venezuela and the 53 nations of the African Union have also withheld recognition of the Latortue regime, and the ANC, South Africa’s governing party, has launched a campaign calling for the return of democracy to Haiti.

It hardly comes as a surprise that Canadian government officials and their PR flaks to have sought to deceive the public while carrying out their nefarious dealings in Haiti. Yet the government has received help in this endeavour from some unlikely sources: various self-denoted “left” or “progressive” NGOs have misrepresented the causes of the human rights disaster in Haiti and ignored Canada’s intervention almost completely, thus becoming complicit, wittingly or not, in the government’s “perception management” operations. Pierre Beaudet’s Rabble.ca piece “Haiti: Where should the left stand?” defending his organization Alternatives’ position on Haiti is but the most recent example. While his distortions of Haiti’s history since 1995 (especially concerning the 2000 elections and after) are significant, it is Beaudet’s assessment of the present that we will look at here.

Beaudet seriously minimizes the ruthless violence of the interim government and its Canadian-trained police force, devoting all of one sentence to the repression of Lavalas and voicing only tepid opposition to it. Moreover, Beaudet prefaces his trite reference to the anti-Lavalas witch hunt with the discredited notion of Aristide using “hard nosed gangs” to “create havoc”, implicitly laying the blame on the victims. Indeed, the Lavalas movement is portrayed as little more than a gang of criminals and drug runners in Beaudet’s article. Yet the depth of support Lavalas continues to enjoy belies such characterizations. First of all, the large majority of Lavalas’ base is located in the countryside, where at least 65% of the population lives. Rural Haiti is not exactly the preserve of ganglords and drug dealers, as Dr. Paul Farmer, renowned for his work against AIDS, malaria and TB in the Central Plateau and other parts of Haiti, explains: “I personally, in all my years in Haiti, have never once seen a peasant with a gun. And almost all of the ones around these parts are members of Famni Lavalas (Aristide's party). Now I've tended to many gunshot wounds, but they've been inflicted by former soldiers, police, or people who have cars to drive - not peasants.” In the cities, Lavalas has mobilized tens of thousands of people for demonstrations many times since the coup, despite the (frequently realized) threat of police using gunfire to break up protests. Even observers as hostile as the American and Canadian embassies have acknowledged that Lavalas is still the most popular political movement in Haiti.

While rhetorically opposing imperialism, Beaudet’s actual critique of the foreign powers’ current involvement in Haiti boils down to an accusation of malign neglect: Canada has not been “generous” enough with its aid policies and the international community have failed to “clean the mess” in Haiti as promised. Yet UN troops have been trying to “clean the mess” by carrying out frequent raids into pro-Lavalas slums, with deadly consequences for the population, and contrary to Beaudet’s belief, Canada has been extremely generous to the de facto Haitian government it helped install. What is Beaudet’s criticism of Gerard Latortue’s government, an exceedingly corrupt and undemocratic administration that is repressing its political opponents on a massive scale and reordering Haiti’s economy along neoliberal lines? Merely that it has been “ineffective”.

The hypocrisy (and serviceability to power) of this stance is worth noting: Aristide was accused of having these very same flaws (undemocratic, corrupt, neoliberal) and received unrelenting condemnation from NGOs such as Alternatives, yet no such opprobrium is forthcoming from Beaudet when it comes to the U.S./Canada puppet regime. Indeed, Beaudet seems more interested in talking about “the crimes that everyone knew Aristide had committed,” than about the serious and ongoing crimes of Canada and the interim government, crimes for which we, as Canadian citizens, hold far more responsibility.

In short, Aristide is not the issue; Canada’s role as a junior partner to U.S. imperialism is the issue.


www.outofhaiti.ca

The Phoney War: Bush Program Rolls On While Democrats Dither

Watch That Pea

What the administration is doing
while you’re watching Scooter & Sammy.


by John M. Kelley


http://www.opednews.com


It seems interesting to me that while all of the Democratic voices have gone gaga over the
indictment of Scooter Libby and the nomination to the Supreme Court of Samuel Alito, the administration is continuing to tighten its control over the national economic/political process.

On the one hand you have Democrats swooning about how this is the beginning of the end for Bush and how the white knight Fitzgerald is going to slay the Neo-Con dragon. They are ecstatic that a majority of the country now sees the war in Iraq as a tragic mistake. They feel that high gas prices, stagflation and the national deficit are winning allies from independents and moderate Republican circles every day. I saw a political cartoon today that implied Rove, Cheney and Bush were all on the run and had fled the country.

On the other hand they are gearing up for a fight over Judge Alito, even before it is clear whether there should be one. The Neo-Cons are promising the nuclear option if Alito’s nomination is filibustered, while some Democrats are already promising to shut down the Senate if they can’t win. Recent polls have given them hope that they will gain public support for a filibuster if Alito can be portrayed as clearly against Roe vs Wade. The Democrats can almost smell a house majority in the 2006 elections.

Hokum, they aren’t watching the pea. First let’s talk about the things that are being ignored that are significant and then this roll the Democrats think they are on.

Taxes

For starters the new budget bill proposes $70 billion in new tax breaks for the rich while cutting $10 billion in Medicare and Medicaid for the elderly and poor. A new tax code is being recommended that would tax labor more heavily then dividends or capital gains. In other words if you make money shoveling, you’ll pay a higher tax rate then the guy going by in the back of his chauffeured Rolls-Royce.

The government just allowed approximately $300 billion in offshore earnings to enter the country under a special deal that only taxes it a rate of 5%. So the government won’t find itself in the embarrassing position of having to work out special deals for its campaign donors in the future, the new tax code recommends that corporations not pay any tax on money earned overseas.

Even though most corporations pay never pay any real taxes, the corporate rate would be reduced to 31.5%, cheaper then they have ever been. Most would likely increase the payment of dividends which would be tax free to individual shareholders although not to most of the little folks who own stock through mutual funds and retirement vehicles, they would pay 15% on investments. Meanwhile the wealthy would pay a top capital gains tax on average, of 8.25%,

Setting a cap on corporate deductions for health insurance premiums would encourage more and more companies to drop their plans as health care costs continue to outpace inflation and employers squeeze for more profit. In the place of a number of current deductions for healthcare, retirement and education would be three tax exempt savings accounts for individuals which you could put up to $20,000 a year into. Great, I always have an extra 20k that I don’t need lying around to salt away in a tax free account.

In addition the abolition of certain tax breaks like the deductions for state and local taxes will hurt the little guy a lot more then the rich. The loss of the property tax deduction would wipe out any interest deduction for most small homeowners as well as increase resistance to raising local taxes at a time when the feds have shifted more of the costs to local and state governments.

While doing away with the alternative minimum tax for individuals, which at least needs to be indexed, it would also do away with the alternative minimum tax on corporations which has been virtually ignored in the press.

Media Concentration and Control

In notable but unheralded telecommunications acquisitions, SBC acquired AT&T and Verizon purchased MCI, which will yield further consolidation and concentration of telecommunication/media control. The few anti-monopoly restrictions placed on them will all expire after a maximum of 30 months allowing them to raise rates, shut out competition and restrict competitive use of access.

Meanwhile over at the Corporation of Public Broadcasting Board of Directors, the new GOP fundraiser Chairperson and Kenneth Tomlinson replacement, Cheryl Halpern is fast turning public broadcasting into a pro government propaganda machine. She hired former co-chair of the Republican National Committee, Patricia de Stacy Harrison, as President. She in turn has brought along her old subordinates from the State Department Public Affairs and Public Diplomacy Division (read Ministry of Foreign Propaganda) to do their magic on the American people via public television and radio. They include Tom Igsitt, Vice President for Government Affairs; Mike Levy Vice President of Communications; and Helen Mobley, director of Corporate Communications and Planning. All three have extensive overseas propaganda experience.

The Continued Removal of Corporate Responsibility

The corporate owned congress continues to feed its contributors and give the bill to the American people. Having passed bills that relieve corporate accountability for fast food and guns they now want to help the pharmaceutical industry. Stating that limiting liability is the only way to get companies to produce avian flu vaccines it is just a foot in the door to relieve them from any liability for future development of new pharmaceuticals.

All of these laws tote personal responsibility while totally ignoring the constant marketing barrage people are subjected to, starting in childhood to buy their products, the valuing of profits before negative impacts or outright deceptive practices used to increase sales. I wonder if my heirs can sue if the weight loss medicine I am using causes me to become so depressed I shoot myself.

The Growth of the Police State

Right now the President and Vice President continue to argue for the right to torture people at their discretion. The President continues to hold American citizens in seclusion without charges, trial or access to a lawyer. He maintains that the government continues the need to secretly invade American homes, search them and not tell anyone until much later. The man who advised the administration on how it could avoid war crimes prosecution is now the Attorney General and the head of the death squads in El Salvador and Nicaragua is in charge of all intelligence foreign and domestic in the United States.

We learn that in addition to people being picked up and send to countries where they can be tortured by other governments our own government is now maintaining secret prisons abroad where they presumably are exempt from any standard of civil rights or humane treatment. In Guantanamo, 21 prisoners who have been held almost four years without charges or trial are being subjected to forced feeding through nose tubes while strapped to beds so they can’t pull them out and choose death over their hopeless existence. Acts the Secretary of Defense calls “some people chose to go on diets for various reasons”.

Forget the battle over Chief Justice Roberts and nominee Alito’s views are on abortion. That pales next to their well-documented beliefs on the supremacy of the corporation and the total faith in the dictatorial powers of the Presidency. These are the votes that can install the Divine Right of Kings and primogeniture succession in America. Add to that the international judgment that the United States ranks 22nd in its freedom of the press and you are looking at an increasingly closed society.

Last week the President states that his plan for dealing with the avian flu was to offer more liability protection and subsidies to pharmaceutical companies to gear up vaccination production. They at their humanitarian best said they didn’t think it would be worth it for a one-time disease. A projected 200 million people would die in a world wide pandemic. Anybody need another reason for a national healthcare program.

Basically, the President said his goal was to get 20 million vaccines available for first responders including the military. If you include professional healthcare workers (7 million alone), medical support staff, firemen, police, military and their families that means the other 280 million people are on their own. One public health official put it this way (I paraphrase) “local governments will primarily be on their own. A pandemic could last from 1-3 years during which time many people would be out of work, have trouble obtaining food and other basic necessities. Hospitals would be overwhelmed with schools and stadiums being used as makeshift medical facilities. Morgues would not be able to handle the numbers of dead.” Estimates talk of deaths in the millions in the U.S. alone. The Presidents plan seems to be, put federal and National Guard troops around an infected area and let them ride it out.

Bush’s Alcoholic Mastery of Denial Will Not Surrender

What the Democrats don’t seem to understand is that by going to the wall on the Alito nomination is they can only lose on all accounts. While both sides can fill their coffers for the 2006 elections and unify their bases by a full scale fight, a democratic filibuster in the Senate followed by a Republican nuclear option it is a self destructive strategy. Between the enmity that it will create with moderate Republicans and the filibuster gone, the Republican arm-twisting machine will move into full throttle before the next election occurs. The filibuster will be useless on every other issue that comes up.

Once used the nuclear option will push the Republican party past the point of no return. The Republicans will be faced with the prospect of a Democratic majority using it in revenge or insuring the Democrats never come to power again. Republicans will hammer them with it on every issue. The corporations, the religious right and the neo-con militarists will want to push through everything they can in case there is a public backlash against the house, and the party will want to limit the ability for Democrats to win and be willing to push through repressive changes in the Voting Rights Act before the next election. Moderates will be forced by the need for contributions and base solidification to march to the beat of the far right. It will be a scorched earth policy.

A better strategy would be to thoroughly expose all of Alito’s beliefs about abortion, executive power, corporate power and other views repugnant to the citizenry. Claim the moral high ground and vote as a party against him if that is what it takes to stake out a position to move forward from. There is still a majority to protect Roe vs Wade and we won’t be powerless to filibuster even more repugnant legislation that the administration surely will try to push through if the nuclear option is used. Having not used the filibuster on the supreme court nominee the Republicans will be hesitant to use the nuclear option on anything less.

Secondly, the Libby/Rove prosecution/investigation is likely to be obstructed for years (anybody remember Whitewater). Claims of Executive Privilege and Classified information will stall the investigation and trial to a crawl. Libby may finally go to jail, but certainly with a promise of a pardon on Bush’s last day in office which will be about the time he actually has to show up there and for Rove, the same. The Bush family has a history of being very forgiving of those who participated with them in crimes against the country. Even if Cheney resigns, possible but doubtful, Bush will probably stumble on to the end of his term alone, isolated and paranoid. That in and of itself is a scary scenario.

Over at the U.N John Bolton is going full speed ahead to destroy any official world opposition to U.S. policy in that body. Bolton and Rice are fomenting expanding the Iraq war to Syria and have driven Iranian leaders backwards into a theocratic frenzy suggesting to them that they have nothing to lose by becoming more militant. The Iranians are angry, paranoid and threatened. Their reactions are unifying the world along cold war lines with the U.S. again dominating the discussion and direction.

Opposite of Bush’s promise, the Iranian hardliners have grown in power. They know a war with the United States involving Syria as well is their best chance of survival internally and would unite much of the Muslim war against the U.S. In response Bush has indicated a willingness to use tactical nuclear weapons. Even if used against buried military targets with limited loss of life and no collateral damage, it would outrage the world and explode the anger of a billion Muslims, many who would be willing to carry the terrorist war to America.

The history of the Bush administration is when questioned refuse to answer, when caught lie, when cornered get do something more extreme to change the subject, but never, never give up. Expanding the war to Syria and Iran, using massive bombing, nuking the Democrats in the Senate over abortion, pushing through a tax plan that favors corporations and the rich while further limiting their liability, expanding media consolidation and propaganda efforts while further crushing dissent are quite frankly all things that will gain support on the right among the radical theocratic, ideological and corporate bases.

Bush is most likely an untreated alcoholic who is either actively drinking or on a dry drunk. Alcoholics in this position resort to megalomania as long as they have the resources to maintain their illusion, and presidents have a lot of resources for self delusion at their disposal. When they become overwhelmed by the consequences of their actions they resort to blame, rage and destructive actions. Cheney, Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz on the other hand are hard-core ideologues who are willing to sacrifice any number of people to execute their plans for world domination.

Given this administrations willingness to ignore public opinion and forge on in spite of its mistakes, exposed lies and corruption it is not a far stretch to imagine what kind of power it might try and seize in case of a national emergency like a flu pandemic. If you think the last two elections have been a farce, what about no election because of a pandemic, what about the suspension of congress and the prohibition of any public gathering enforced by the military. Maybe I’m just paranoid, but then again maybe anybody who believes this administration is on the run hasn’t been reading past the headlines.


www.mytown.ca/johnkelley

John Michael Kelley is a teacher, philosopher, writer, artist, political activist, singer of ballads, rebellious Irishman and agent for change who worries daily about the world he is leaving for his grandchildren.

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Wednesday, November 02, 2005

Israel's Gaza Blitzkrieg


http://www.muslimwakeup.com/
mainarchive/images/gaza-mosque-300.jpg


Toufic Haddad reports on Gaza after “disengagement”

The Ongoing Occupation


Socialist Worker
November 4, 2005 | Page 4

ISRAEL CARRIED out a week of attacks against Palestinians in the largest offensive yet since completing “disengagement” from the occupied territory of Gaza.

Western news reports concluded that Palestinians had rejected Israel’s offering of “peace” and self-rule, focusing in particular on an October 26 suicide bombing carried out by the Palestinian group Islamic Jihad in the Israeli town of Hadera, which killed five Israelis.

But the bombing was in retaliation for Israel’s assassination of a leader of Islamic Jihad three days before--an act that the Israeli military knew would provoke a response. In the days that followed, Palestinian forces in Gaza fired rockets at southern Israel, and Israel responded with air strikes that killed nine people, most of them bystanders.

This unequal military balance and the U.S. media’s bias were both factors in Israel’s so-called “disengagement” from Gaza, which provided the backdrop to the renewed violence. Here, TOUFIC HADDAD, co-editor of a forthcoming book on the Palestinian Intifada who recently returned from the Occupied Territories, explains what “disengagement” was really about.


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THE LAVISH praise Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon received for his Gaza “disengagement” plan was enough for one Israeli journalist to call him “the most warmly courted, popular new star” that “the world’s red carpets are waiting for.”
The compliments may have cleansed the name of a man associated with some of the worst war crimes committed against the Arab and Palestinian people. But disengagement itself--completed September 15 with the evacuation of the last of 21 Israeli settlements in the Gaza Strip--is likely only to open up the potential for yet more Arab blood to be shed in the future.

This is because “disengagement” had little to do with ending the occupation of Gaza--or “reinvigorating the peace process,” as was widely claimed by Israel, its allies and much of the corporate media. Rather, it was precisely intended to preclude both of these possibilities.

Is that an exaggerated or unnecessarily pessimistic judgment? Just look at what Sharon’s right-hand man, Dov Weisglass, had to say about the motivations for disengagement, to the Israeli paper Ha’aretz in October 2004. “The significance [of disengagement] is the freezing of the political process,” Weisglass said. “And when you freeze that process you prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state, and you prevent a discussion about the refugees, the borders and Jerusalem. Effectively, this whole package that is called the Palestinian state, with all that it entails, has been removed from our agenda indefinitely. And all with a [U.S.] presidential blessing and the ratification of both houses of Congress. What more could have been anticipated? What more could have been given to the settlers?”


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I RECENTLY returned from the Gaza strip, where I witnessed the Israeli disengagement from start to finish. The experience provided me a wide range of feelings and insights. Perhaps the strongest impression I was left with is how Gaza today represents a colonial laboratory for developing and implementing cutting-edge methods of human control and oppression.
It used to be that if an occupying power were unable to control an area due to local resistance, the occupiers would be forced to retreat from these areas. But that isn’t the case with respect to Gaza.

It’s true that the Palestinian resistance that developed in the Gaza Strip during the past five years of the Intifada (or uprising) destabilized Israel’s strategic control. Particularly with the Palestinians’ development of medium-range firepower, such as homemade mortars and primitive rockets, Israel’s strategic control over the Gaza Strip was slipping.

Israel’s answer was to devise new means to control Gaza more effectively from afar, using disengagement to consolidate its grip.

To begin with, the entire Gaza Strip remains entirely surrounded by an electronic fence and watchtowers, ensuring that its 1.4 million Palestinians don’t leave the congestion and squalor of their towns and refugee camps.

Then there’s the ever-present buzz of unmanned drones that criss-cross the skies of Gaza. In recent years, these drones have been increasingly fitted with U.S. made “Predator” missiles--which at the touch of a button pressed by someone in a room miles away, ensure instant death to whomever they target.

There is the enormous blimp that hovers above Gaza’s borders, not to mention the well-armed Israeli naval vessels prowling off Gaza’s coast.

But these are only the more tangible representations of Israeli control. There are also less visible means, including a kilometer-long wall that Israel is preparing to build into the sea, below sea-level along Gaza’s coast. Or the 650-meter buffer zone Israel wants north of the strip.

Gaza’s population registry still remains in Israel’s hands. The Palestinian Authority is still not authorized to issue personal identity cards--meaning, essentially, that Israel still controls who legally exists there. Today, there are an estimated 60,000 Palestinians in Gaza with no form of identification--who, hence, are unable to leave and re-enter their homeland, whether for educational, medical or family reasons.

There’s the question of border crossings in general, which Israel still demands direct control over. This one feature of Israeli rule essentially gives it control over all goods and people which enter or exit the strip, leaving the economic future of Gaza in the hands of Israeli generals. Israel can cut off a whole range of essential goods, from gasoline to medicine, from car parts to generators, and Gaza will continue to be a place where Israeli producers dump their goods on a captive market.

If these structural constraints weren’t enough, there are a host of other political and social concerns.

To begin with, Gaza lacks sources of clean water. Not only has Israel tapped the flow of underground water east of Gaza, resulting in the seepage of sea water into Gaza’s coastal aquifer, but Israeli settlements also over-pumped the existing aquifer, essentially leaving Gaza’s water a briny mixture that causes high rates of kidney failure.

Israel has also left Gaza economically destitute. Palestinian laborers have been prevented from getting to work inside Israel--resulting in 35 percent unemployment--and many workplaces inside Gaza, such as garages and metal workshops, were targeted during the incursions of the past year, with the excuse that they were involved in weapons production.

In this respect, it’s clear that Israel left an enormous physical mess behind in Gaza. Not only did it demolish huge swaths of the territory’s arable lands, and the homes of 25,000 people (particularly in southern Gaza), but it destroyed the settlements themselves when the army withdrew. This has left upwards of 25 percent of the Gaza Strip looking like an earthquake hit it--with the Palestinians forced to clean up the mess.

Last but not least, Israel hasn’t ended its military assaults within Gaza itself, carrying out no less than five assassinations against Palestinian resistance activists since disengagement. At least 42 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli fire throughout the Occupied Territories, and scores of others were left wounded.

And none of this even addresses Israeli policies in the West Bank--the continued construction of Israeli settlements, or the final sealing off of various Palestinian towns through the construction of Israel’s apartheid wall.


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THESE MACHIAVELLIAN forms of control, together with a disfigured wasteland of physical destruction, extreme poverty and continued colonial oppression, have ensured that nothing substantive has changed in Gaza.
What has changed, however, is the international perception of this reality--including among many liberals and large sections of the left that believe “a solution” for Gaza has been found. As a result, they accept U.S. and Israeli arguments that Palestinians must now “establish law and order” and “dismantle the terrorist infrastructure.”

Now is the time to raise awareness that the 38-year occupation of Gaza has not ended, but has merely entered a new stage--a stage that is potentially far more dangerous precisely because of the misperceptions surrounding disengagement and Gaza’s status. Israel understands this all too well, recently setting up artillery posts on the periphery of Gaza and openly threatening--in leaflets dropped by airplane on Gazan communities--to shell civilian areas.

It is our responsibility to make sure everyone knows the reality of Gaza--before Israel is permitted to make good on these threats.