Wednesday, May 04, 2005

And On....

The Bush crimes will go on
Deadly Hypocrisy is Business as Usual
By CHRIS FLOYD



05/04/05 - - An occupational hazard of dissidence in the Age of Bush is the unavoidable necessity of belaboring the obvious. Again and again, you must ring the same bell; over and over, you must repeat the same, blatant irrefutable fact: that George W. Bush and his ghastly minions are lying hypocrites with blood on their hands.

But what can you do? Each week--each day--brings fresh confirmation of this damning truth. And until the American people redeem their lost national honor by rising up in their millions--taking to the streets with the patriotic cry, "These murderous jackals no longer represent us!"--the Bush crimes will go on, and must be documented. So grab the bell-rope: here we go again.

Last week saw a bumper crop of death-dealing hypocrisy, as the freedom-lovin', terrorist-fightin' he-men of the Bush Regime were caught in flagrante delicto with some rough trade indeed: genocidal rape-fiends, diabolical flesh-boilers and tyrannical peddlers of violent, ignorant religious extremism. (And no, it wasn't a meeting of the Republican National Committee.)

First the Bushists rolled out the red carpet for one of Osama bin Laden's former partners, Sudan's intelligence chief Salah Abdallah Gosh, the Los Angeles Times reports. Gosh was Osama's designated minder in the 1990s, when the ex-CIA ally was comfortably ensconced in Sudan. Gosh is also accused--by members of his own government­ of directing military attacks on civilians in Sudan's Darfur region, where the Janjaweed militia is carrying out a government-backed "ethnic cleansing" program of rape, pillage and murder against the region's black Muslims. At least 400,000 people have died in the carnage, with 2 million more driven into exile.

Last year, the Bush Regime itself officially declared the Darfur despoliation a "genocide," and called Gosh's gang of terrorist-coddling goons "an extraordinary threat" to America's national security. But that was before the 2004 election, when Bush had to drag his "compassionate conservative" crapola out of mothballs for a few months to mollify soccer moms distressed at the pictures they saw on CNN of those poor little Ewoks dying in--where was it? Biafra? Burundi? Rwanda? Rangoon? Once Bush had his teeny-tiny mandate in hand, it was back to business.

That's oil business, of course. Sudan has become one of the chess pieces in the "Great Game" of petropolitics, as the "full spectrum dominators" of the Bush Regime plant their "military footprints" all over the globe in a relentless crusade to stem the inexorable rise of China and India as rivals to "the world's only superpower." It just so happens that China has become the leading player in Sudan's burgeoning oil industry, securing fat concessions in choice fields. Gosh and his goon squads gorge on these oil profits to fuel their mass terrorism in Darfur. Now Bush wants a piece of that action; and if he has to abet the murder of a few hundred thousand desert darkies to get it, who cares? (Certainly not those soccer moms, now fretting about high gas prices for their SUVs: "Get us more cheap oil, Georgie, pronto!")

And so Bush has bedded down with Gosh, who for his part is happy to swap a minor league privateer like Osama for a big-time state terrorist with unlimited resources. Gosh was flown to Washington for high-level "consultations" with his new partners in the CIA--just as the Sudanese government was announcing that "abundant" oil reserves have been found in Darfur, the Sudan Tribune reports. At the very same time, Bush moved--secretly--to gut legislation that would freeze financial assets of the genocidists and increase international protection for Darfur's people, the New York Times reports. Happy coincidences all around!

Meanwhile, the killing in Sudan goes on. Just days before Gosh's extra-special visit, the Janjaweed launched a "senseless and premeditated attack" in Darfur, "burning everything in their paths and leaving in their wake total destruction," Amnesty International reports. What's more, Bush's new allies in Khartoum knew the attack was coming and deliberately blocked African Union peacekeepers from intervening. But the cries of the raped and dying never reached Washington, where Gosh and the Bushists were happily plotting "joint security operations"--and no doubt divvying up the new Darfur oilfields.

How is such two-faced cynicism possible? It's easy: the Bushists don't regard the people of Darfur as human beings, unique individuals of infinite worth and intrinsic value. They're just counters in the game of greed and power, to be shifted or discarded as the need arises.

The same holds true for the people of Uzbekistan, now being abducted, tortured and boiled alive by Bush buddy Islam Karimov. Last week, Bush's "strategic relationship" with the Uzbek Boiler was laid bare in rich detail by the New York Times. Bush has lavished more than $500 million on Karimov's marauding security services, In return, he tortures Bush's own abducted, uncharged, "rendered" prisoners, while providing the Pentagon with a big ole "footprint" for dominating Central Asian oil. Again, the individuals being served up for Tashkent gumbo don't matter; only the game is important.

Bush capped Hypocrisy Week by strolling hand-in-hand with Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah: de facto ruler of the fiercest religious tyranny on earth; mentor to the Taliban; global propagator of the vicious Wahhabi distortion of Islam; fount of corruption, bribery and baksheesh; longtime Bush Family business partner. With his warm embrace of the hereditary despot, Bush gave the lie to months of high-flown jive about lighting "fires of freedom" in the Middle East. As always, Bush's real message to those longing for liberty, at home and abroad, was clear as a bell:

"Tough luck, suckers."

Chris Floyd is a columnist for The Moscow Times.

Visit his website http://www.empireburlesquenow.blogspot.com

Tightening the Screw: Bolton Faces His Past Further

Bolton's Proudest Moment
By GARY LEUPP
CounterPunch.org
Boston, Mass.


Imperial Crusades: Iraq, Afghanistan & Yugoslavia


Those campaigning against John Bolton's nomination for U.N. ambassador continue to collect anecdotes testifying to his bullying, abrasive style. (Seems the Brits were so peeved by his behavior in the Anglo-American negotiations with Libya's Col. Qaddhafi, which resulted in Libya's agreement to dismantle its nuclear weapons program, that they asked he be removed from the talks.) And daily we learn more about his lies and exaggerations, most recently about those publicly raised in late 2001 concerning Sudan's supposed interest in biological weapons. In response to the controversy, Rice, Cheney and Bush continue to express confidence in Bolton, insisting he's just what the doctor ordered for the ailing United Nations.

Thomas M. Boyd, an assistant attorney general under the Reagan administration and former Bolton deputy, is another important Bolton defender. He sheds light on Bush's choice, and focuses on what is surely the Bolton achievement most likely to evoke public support, in an op-ed piece in the Boston Globe April 27. He opens with the frank observation that Bolton is indeed a bull in a china shop. But "[w]hile it is certainly true that Bolton sometimes breaks china," Boyd declares, "it is also true that he carefully selects the pattern first." Bolton's crowning moment of destruction? December 16, 1991, when the United Nations General Assembly repealed, by a vote of 111 to 25 (and 30 abstentions) the 1975 resolution that described Zionism as a form of racism. As the debate heats up this will be the bully's chief selling point.

Resolution 3379 had originally passed with 72 votes for, 35 against, and 32 abstentions. Largely symbolic, with few practical ramifications, it did what the U.S. State Department's "terror list" does today: it denounced what the judges found reprehensible and endeavored to shame and isolate the target. Condemned in the U.S. press as "abominable," "repulsive," "odious" and "the UN's greatest sin" and condemned by a joint Congressional resolution in 1985, its passage was chalked up to the growing power of oil-rich Islamic states, the influence of the Soviet Union, and general anti-Semitism. To this day the corporate media ignores the possibility that there might have been some persuasive logic in the anti-Zionist critique. This is not something one can freely discuss in this free country. In any case, in 1975 67% of nations voting (52% of the total membership) had agreed that Zionism was a form of racism. But in 1991, 82% of voting members (67% of the total member nations) somehow determined that no, actually, this was in fact not the case after all. Not that they gave any explanation for the about-face.

It was a stunning reversal. Bolton himself has hailed the moment. The day Condoleezza Rice announced his nomination, he referred to Resolution 3379 as "the greatest stain on the UN's reputation" and its reversal "one highlight of my professional career." But he didn't at the time describe his particular role in wiping away the stain. Boyd's piece merely hints at this; according to him, Bolton as assistant secretary of state for international organizations made the repeal of the resolution a personal campaign. He "took matters into his own hands," tirelessly calling ambassadors around the world and "each time using his keen mind and reputation for bluntness to their full effect In time, his perseverance began to winnow down the nay-sayers."

This vote, occurring after the first Gulf War and just ten days before the collapse of the Soviet Union, marked a turning point in the UN's history. The U.S. had become the sole superpower, and although it was to soon discover the limits to that power (in Somalia the following year), it was in a position to dictate especially to its aid recipients what stance they should take on this issue. The U.S. had traditionally protected Israel from UN Security Council censure by casting its veto, but from this point acted more aggressively in pursuit of Israeli interests (or at least what it reckoned those to be). It vetoed reappointment of Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the UN Secretary-General supported by every other member of the UN Security Council, in December 1996. The Egyptian Christian was the first secretary-general to be denied a second term. His offense? Despite an active role in Arab-Israeli peace talks, he was considered too critical of Israel. He was replaced with Kofi Annan, a Ghanaian with an American wife well liked by U.S. administrations. He had, for example, called Resolution 3379 an "affront" to the Jewish people and incitement to racial and ethnic hatred.

Only when, at the height of arrogance, Washington sought a UN rubber stamp for its attack on Iraq did the tide start to turn against the U.S. After the fact, Annan was obliged (however timidly and reluctantly) to term the U.S. attack on Iraq "illegal." This brought Annan himself into the crosshairs. Annan is now targeted by Bolton and others who will not forgive his opposition to neocon objectives. Meanwhile Bolton has spearheaded the U.S. drive to deny Mohammed ElBaradei, the Egyptian head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, a third term. This is because he finds no cause to declare Iran in violation of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, something Bolton has angrily and unreasonably demanded of the IAEA. So far this anti-ElBaradei effort has found little international support, and reports of U.S. electronic eavesdropping on ElBaradei's UN office are unlikely to produce much support for the U.S. position.

But Bolton's role in the rescinding of Resolution 3379 is being applauded on various right wing blogs as sufficient validation in itself of Bush's UN choice. Many Zionists (Christian as well as Jewish) depict the resolution as an anti-Semitic "slur" and suggest that whatever means were used to overturn it, they were surely appropriate. It is hard to change the minds of those who believe that Israel, having been established by God in fulfillment of a promise to His Chosen People, is a good thing by definition, and that Zionism (as the modern movement to establish a Jewish homeland in Palestine) a noble and even divine cause. Or to change the minds of the secular who believe that God or no God, the state of Israel is necessary to ensure the survival of the Jewish people. I will not bother debating the point here but merely point out that there are differences of opinion in the world, including among Jews, concerning the historical origins, nature and legitimacy of the Jewish state. In my own opinion, Zionism as defined by Webster's ("a movement formerly for reestablishing, now for advancing, the Jewish national state in Israel") doesn't necessarily entail racism, and I have friends who consider themselves Zionists who do not strike me as racists. But when the Zionist project displaces, humiliates and oppresses people native to the land it claims by right it deserves to be called what it's become.

Both Bishop Desmond Tutu and Nelson Mandela have referred to the treatment of Palestinians by Israel as a type of apartheid, which is to say, racism, and hundreds of millions of people agree with them. And many understand that the U.S., while championing Zionism, opposed resolution 1761 in 1962, which condemned South Africa's apartheid system. Moved in the General Assembly by Sweden,the anti-apartheid resolution was adopted by 146 votes in favor, with only two countries---the U.S. and U.K.---voting against. Recall how the Reagan administration stood by South Africa as "America's closest ally in Africa" and how current Vice President Cheney voted against a Congressional resolution urging the release of Nelson Mandela in 1986 since he considered him a "terrorist." It is quite understandable that people would link the boundless U.S. support for South African apartheid to Washington's militant defense of Zionism.

Every Arab nation, and almost all Muslim nations, opposed the repeal of the resolution of 3379. So did the Third World in general. But Bolton was not content to concede to the world's ambassadors their own opinions. Informed by the Near East bureau of the State Department that a belligerent campaign to overturn 3379 might damage U.S. priorities in the Middle East, he (according to Boyd) "instructed his staff to change votes, and he set his considerable energies to first changing minds." This all sounds like a quiet missionary exercise. But in fact Bolton engaged in the sort of arm-twisting tactics that have recently drawn much attention. A sometimes member of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) Bolton wedded U.S. and Israeli interests, deploying Washington's resources to defend an ideology thrown on the defensive by the obvious ongoing reality of Palestinian suffering.

Resolution 4686 overturning 3379 was among the shortest ever passed in UNGA history: "The general assembly decides to revoke the determination contained in its resolution 3379 (XXX) of 10 November 1975." Fitting that there should be no explanation, since the change was not due to any substantial public debate but rather to the application of coercive U.S. power behind the scenes. I distinctly remember reading, fourteen years ago, of the indignation of Third World ambassadors complaining of unprecedented heavy-handedness by the first Bush administration in producing the revisionist Zionist-friendly result. Basically they were ordered to switch votes. They were told, "There's no USSR to help you now, we're the boss, you have no opinion, obey or lose." But surfing the web to try to revisit that reportage years ago I get nothing but sites deploring the "odious" resolution and registering righteous satisfaction at its overthrow.

Only one majority Muslim nation (Albania, emerging from a state of enforced official atheism, in a state of transition and hungry for U.S. aid) voted for 4686. All the rest voted against or abstained. Of non-Muslim nations, Cuba, one of the many cosponsors of 3379, opposed it. So did Vietnam. India, which had voted for 3379, for some reason changed its mind. China, an erstwhile 3379 supporter, discreetly absented itself.

Boyd hails Bolton's "bluntness." We may hear more bluntness in the next few weeks, as Iran reaches what the Israelis say will be a point of no return in its nuclear program, and as the IAEA meets and decides the future of ElBaradei and considers U.S. proposals for changing the rules to selectively target Iran. Some are predicting a U.S. or Israeli strike against Iran in June. If Bolton is at the UN, he will rage against the predictable Chinese and Russian opposition to the sanctions it insists must be imposed on Iran, or bristle against any condemnation of U.S. or Israeli aggression. Having publicly opined that the UN is useless, he may sabotage the venerable institution rather like the Japanese delegate Masuoka Yosuke did the League of Nations in 1933. Surely this is one game plan. Bush sees Bolton as the right stuff to achieve it if necessary.

Senator Jesse Helms, a well-known racist and Christian-Zionist fundamentalist with whom Bolton has worked closely, told the American Enterprise Institute in early 2001 that, "John Bolton is the kind of man with whom I would want to stand at Armageddon, if it should be my lot to be on hand for what is forecast to be the final battle between good and evil in this world." That final battle is mere biblical myth, but the Bush administration pursuing its neocon-authored agenda may provoke a cascade of catastrophes in the near future. One can expect that Bolton at the UN will insist on the righteousness of each outrage, refining hypocrisy to a high art form while lashing out viciously at all honest opposition. Perhaps he is indeed the right man for the job. But the job of promoting imperialism and its attendant racisms, and bludgeoning those who oppose them, is itself abominable, repulsive, odious, sinful, and in the "final" analysis, evil.

Gary Leupp is Professor of History at Tufts University, and Adjunct Professor of Comparative Religion. He is the author of Servants, Shophands and Laborers in in the Cities of Tokugawa Japan; Male Colors: The Construction of Homosexuality in Tokugawa Japan; and Interracial Intimacy in Japan: Western Men and Japanese Women, 1543-1900. He is also a contributor to CounterPunch's merciless chronicle of the wars on Iraq, Afghanistan and Yugoslavia: Imperial Crusades.

He can be reached at: gleupp@granite.tufts.edu

Pantheon of Delusion

Pantheon of Far Right-Wing Delusion:
Plaut Calls the Fascist Kettle Black
Kurt Nimmo
May 03, 2005



http://www.irational.org/
heath/london/delusion.gif


Zionist settler Steve Plaut is up to his tricks again. In a recent article on ChronWatch, Plaut, a snobbish professor in Israel who believes one has to have an academic degree to form a political opinion (thus relegating billions of people to the status of insensate farm animals), the Zionist professor of Israeli economics believes the “correct representation of the political arena is as a circle, with the Far Left and the Neonazi Right smack alongside one another and closely collaborating,” a rather startling paranoid delusion, even for an Israeli settler.

In Plaut’s bizarre world, shaped (or warped) by radical Zionism, anybody who disagrees or is morally outraged by settlers killing Palestinian school kids (and 545 of them have been killed by Israelis since the outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada in September 2000) is a “neonazi.” It is hardly unique or surprising that over-the-deep-end right-wingers so effortlessly redefine the political lexicon to suit their propagandistic purposes. Plaut, however, takes this revisionism to new heights.

The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition, defines a neo-Nazis as a “member of a fringe group inspired by Adolf Hitler’s Nazis,” a term more suitable for right-wingers who embrace racist nationalism and national expansion (as defined by the above dictionary), for instance the Likudites in Israel who are demonstrated racists simply because they assign an inferior status to members of non-Jewish ethno-national groups, the same way the racists in the Antebellum South of the United States did before the Civil War (actually it is more accurate to characterize the Zionist racists as Afrikaner nationalists who embrace apartheid; “God created the Afrikaner People with a unique language, a unique philosophy and their own history and traditions,” declared an Afrikaner in 1944, “in order that they might fulfil a particular calling and destiny here in the southern corner of Africa,” a sentiment shared by many Orthodox Jews in Israel who believe their God gave them the right to steal land at gunpoint and ethnically cleanse indigenous people).

Actually, the history of Zionism is a closer match to Nazism (or more accurately, fascism) than anything on the so-called far left, as Plaut would have it. Avraham Stern, the founder and leader of the Zionist underground terrorist organization later known as Lehi and also known as the “Stern Gang,” attempted to make an agreement with the Nazis in 1941. “Stern felt that the only salvation for the Jews was to produce their own Zionist form of totalitarianism,” writes Lenni Brenner. “He had seen the WZO [World Zionist Organization] make its own accommodation with Nazism by means of the Ha’avara; he had seen [Ze’ev] Jabotinsky [an admirer of Mussolini] entangle himself with Italy; and he personally had been intimately involved in the Revisionists, dealings with the Polish anti-Semites.” The Revisionist Party eventually mutated into Herut and finally Likud, the current political party ruling in Israel. Even though Likud is based on racism, terrorism, violence, territorial expansion, rabid nationalism, and ethnic cleansing, as was its predecessors, Steven Plaut believes Likud is guilty of “cowardice” (even as it repeatedly violates the Geneva Conventions and ignores United Nations resolutions by the dozen). In other words, according to Plaut, the Likudites are wimps and Ariel Sharon, indicted as a mass murderer and war criminal, is too “timid.”

As a scurrilous fabricator of lies and half-truths, Plaut likes to throw around the Nazi label, even as he ignores the very real fascistic past of his own political ideology, closer to Nazism than Noam Chomsky or Juan Cole will ever be. As a liar and unethical propagandist for the likes of Horowitz’s hate pubs (amply lubricated with far right-wing money), Plaut has no problem spinning slanderous lies—for instance, that I have something to do with the alleged “Holocaust Denial Barnes Review,” a revisionist publisher I never heard of until Plaut, who obviously has a Holocaust denial fetish and likes to poke around on anti-Semitic websites more than your garden variety skinhead, made mention of it.

For the careful observer, Plaut’s lies and character assassination is nothing less than a desperate attempt to obfuscate the truth, as pointed out by Cole, Chomsky, Justin Raimondo (all deemed “neonazis” by Plaut), and others of various political stripe—Plaut’s adopted homeland is predicated on a history of systematic mass murder and ethnic cleansing and is currently ruled by a party with ideological roots based on extraordinarily vicious racism and active collaboration with both Italian and German fascists.

Addendum

It should be noted that Steven Plaut writes for Betar Tagar UK, another example of his affinity for fascism. As Tom Barry notes in his portrait of Douglas Feith, Betar was “a Zionist youth movement founded by Ze’ev Jabotinsky, an admirer of Mussolini. Betar, whose members wore dark brown uniforms and spouted militaristic slogans modeled after other fascistic movements, was associated with the Revisionist Movement, which evolved in Poland to become the Herut Party, which later became the Likud Party.”

Betar Tagar UK enshrines the following “Betaris” as “brave individuals: Zeev Jabotinski, Menachem Begin, Joseph Trumpeldor, Shlomo Ben Yosef, Yaakov Weiss, and other Zionist fanatics and land stealers. Joseph Trumpeldor was the leader of the Haganah, created to fight “against an Arab horde” (as the “Betaris” in the UK call the people of Palestine). Part of Haganah splintered into the notorious Irgun Zvai-Leumi, famous for killing Arabs and Brits. Betar was created after Trumpeldor was killed “defending” the Upper Galilee against Arabs who didn’t take kindly to being evicted and killed by Zionists.

Shlomo Ben Yosef was an Irgun terrorist (see this photo of the lad in his fascist inspired uniform) who was sent to the gallows by Brit colonialists after shooting up an Arab bus (demonstrating that the Zionists have not changed much over the last sixty odd years). Yaakov Weiss was another Irgun terrorist hanged by the Brits.

Menachem Begin, of course, was the prime minister of Israel, demonstrating how dearly loved terrorists are there (Begin was the leader of Irgun and responsible for the bombing of Jerusalem’s King David Hotel, killing 91 people). Amnon Kapeliouk has quoted the soft and fuzzy Begin as declaring the Palestinians are “beasts walking on two legs” before the Knesset, the only “democratic” government in the Middle East (democratic, that is, if you’re not an Arab).

Betar UK states the following in regard to Betar’s (brownshirt) ideology: “The love of the entire land of Israel. Betar supports the concept of a Jewish state with a Jewish Majority in its biblical-homeland (check out this map to see precisely where that “homeland” is)… The entire land of Israel as given to the Jewish people by G-d with it’s eternal capital Jerusalem.

We therefore wholeheartedly support the settlement of all of Israel including Judea, Samaria, Gaza and the Golan Heights… When can it truly be said that our country has ceased to be ‘Palestine’ and become Eretz Yisrael?

Only then, when there will be more Jews that non-Jews; for the first condition of a national state is national majority… the basis upon which is founded the entire Betarian viewpoint of building a Jewish state. It means the creation of a state comprising a Jewish majority on both sides of the Jordan.”

In other words, Betar (with its vaguely socialistic ideology, or rather socialism for Jews at the expense of everybody else who lives in the neighborhood) demands further expansion—primarily into Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan—and the displacement (ethnic cleansing) of the people who live there. In other words, Betar and the Zionists embrace a truly Nazi geopolitical concept: Lebensraum.

Sobering Reminder: Super Virus "Sober" Loosed in Cyberspace

Sober-N worm now seen in over 40 countries ...Virus
Wednesday, May 04, 2005 at 21:35
by Rich Kavanagh



We reported yesterday morning on a fast spreading virus called Sober-N which was bombarding email servers around the world, accounting for almost 2 in every 3 virus infected emails travelling across the Internet.

Experts at Sophos advise us now that the W32/Sober-N worm has been attempting to break into computer systems in over 40 different countries, and shows no signs of slowing down.

Since the worm first emerged late on Monday, it has dominated the chart of most commonly encountered viruses. It is currently accounting for 79% of all viruses seen by Sophos' monitoring stations around the world. Sophos experts calculate that the worm is now accounting for an astonishing 4.5% of all email traffic (legitimate or otherwise) sent across the Internet.

Graham Cluley, senior technology consultant for Sophos said,

"1 in every 22 emails sent across the Internet is currently infected by the Sober-N worm - making this one of the biggest virus outbreaks of the year. All Internet users must secure their systems with up-to-date anti-virus software and ensure that they never open unsolicited email attachments. No-one should be fooled into thinking that email viruses are a thing of the past. In particular, this worm appears to have caused problems by posing as an offer of free tickets for the soccer World Cup tournament in Germany next year. Many people found the prospect of free tickets to the prestigious sporting event just too hard to resist."

The worm fools users into opening its dangerous email attachment by using a variety of tricks - including using a number of different subject lines and message texts, and sending itself in either German or English language depending on what it suspected was the natural language of the recipient.

UPDATE: Sophos publish Sober-N recovery details

And They Call it "Democracy"

Excluded Candidate ARRESTED at Corporate Media Sponsored "All
Ingmar's Photo Candidates Debate" - The Sad Truth about "Democracy"
in BC




May 3/05
Ingmar Lee


I was arrested today for crashing the Victoria Chamber of Commerce 'All-Candidates' meeting at the Ocean Pointe Delta Hotel. I am an Independent candidate in the provincial election, running for MLA in Victoria Beacon Hill. All-Candidates meetings are one of the essential facets of an open, inclusive and fair democratic process. They are conducted so that the general public can meet and hear the candidates and decide how to vote. I've been working hard to get my message out, but now for my troubles, I've been arrested and charged with with 'creating a disturbance.'



Last week, when I learned that the Victoria Chamber of Commerce was going to host an All-Candidates Luncheon meeting, I immediately went to the VCoC office where I met with the meeting organizer, Steven Seltzer and asked to be included in the debate. Seltzer refused my request outright and explained that CHTV, which was providing live television coverage of the event, had dictated to the Chamber that only the 3 'mainstream' parties would be permitted. He suggested that if I wished to attend the meeting it would cost me $50.00, "but I had better hurry up because there would be limited seating."

Well, I don't like the idea that CHTV and the CanWest Media empire is conducting exclusive, sanitized, staged and outrageously expensive so-called "public events" before their cameras. The job of mass-media during the "Peoples Democratic Process" is to stand back objectively and cover the issues being discussed. Perhaps restricting debate to a select few mainstream parties might insulate the 79 Gordon Campbell's from having to answer hard questions from the people of BC, but such restrictions only promote apathy and antipathy for our political process.

So I jumped on my campaign bicycle and pedalled down to the Ocean Pointe to see what could be done. Outside the hotel I ran into another Beacon Hill Independent candidate, Ben McConachie, who was also upset that he had been excluded from the meeting. Rather than hang around McConachie's Mock debate table which he had set up outside the hotel door, and which was being ignored by the Victoria media who were arriving en masse, I figured I'd be better off getting into the meeting.

Although I was decked out in full campaign uniform, (as opposed to the Value Village suit) with my "Weyerhaeuser GO HOME (and take your buddy)" tee-shirt featuring the Campbell mugshot prominently displayed on the front, with large yellow on black "BC FOREST CRIMES UNIT" printed on the back, I was able to walk right past security and into the Ballroom where I went straight to an empty seat directly under the podium. Looking around, I was surprised to see that the Victoria Chamber of Commerce had only been able to attract about 50 people to the debates!! The dignitaries were ranged around 10 tables spread with white table cloths, and they were now digesting their opulent Luncheon which had preceeded the event. The corporate media, however, was there in full force. Banks of TV cameras were strategically located to present the best possible perspective which would make viewers believe that this was a big event.

I began handing my campaign brochures around as the 'Chosen Ones' headed for the stage. My brochures feature the Gordon Campbell mug-shot and remind people to vote for sober leadership on May 17th. (Of course I have other things to say in my campaign beyond the fact that our Premier has embarrased all British Columbians with his drunken criminal escapades abroad, but this outrageous offence warrants a lot more scrutiny and the issue is part of my platform.) Immediately, one of the Chamber officials was poking me and asking if I had registered and paid for the $50.00 event, "and would I mind stepping outside to discuss it." I stated that I had come to participate in the "All-Candidates" debate and I wasn't budging, nor was I paying.

As CHTV News reporter Murray Langdon began introducing the candidates, I was approached by succesively more important looking officials from the Hotel until the manager himself arrived, who informed me that the police were now on their way. By this time, Sheila Orr, (Liberal,) Steve Filipovic, (Green) and Rob Fleming, (NDP) had all made their opening remarks before the cameras, so I decided that it was now or never. They would wait for the intermission to drag me out, so I walked up to the podium and asked Orr how it was that the BC Liberals were fielding convicted criminals in their slate. I held up Campbell Mug-shot images for the live cameras.

I was immediately seized and tackled by Ocean Pointe security right in front of the stage, who then began dragging me out of the room by my feet. I clutched onto a table leg as I was going by and didn't let go until the cops arrived about 10 minutes later. A whole table cloth of glasses and cutlery was crashed to the floor. Miraculously, a phalanx of cameras and news-people suddenly seemed to notice the ruckus and finally, I got to say my piece before the cameras, albeit with Ocean Pointe security pinning me to the floor and kneeing me in the kidneys. No doubt, senior editors will try their level best to patch me out of whatever footage which is played and will condemn my bad attitude. But really, folks, for all the lip-service about our wonderful freedoms to participate in the democratic process, to raise issues beyond the status-quo mass-growth, expansion and consumption of the capitalist scheme, this is what people have to resort to if they will not be ignored.

Look, I've already been to several all-candidates meetings in this campaign, one organized by the Victoria Seniors Association, and another by Victoria's Social Workers, and if you ask the organizers, my fellow candidates, as well as audience members, they will tell you that I am polite, well dressed and friendly, and that I have a peaceful, credible and important message to present in this campaign. Of course, neither Murray Langdon, nor Victoria's Gordon Campbell's bothered to show up. At those meetings, and at All-Candidates meeting across the province, the Gordon Campbell Liberals are not bothering to show up to meet the public. "Bubble Boy" Campbell and the rest of his "BC Liberals" have apparently been instructed not to participate in any open public discourse.

Sincerely, Ingmar Lee

Here are my qualifications:

~ elected student rep. UVic Board of Governors 2002-2003
~ elected Director BC Green Party Provincial Council 2001-2003 (since disillusioned and quit)
~ 2001 BC election Provincial Organizer BC Green Party responsible for identifying, vetting 79 candidates
~ graduate 2005, UVic Asian and Environmental Studies Joint Major BA
~ 21 years BC Forest Industry silviculture worker -planted more than 1,000,000 trees in all 14 BC biogeoclimatic zones I know what's going on in BC's Forests!
~ 7 years Gabriola Island Volunteer Fire Department -attained rank of Lieutenant

Tuesday, May 03, 2005

Academe Inc.

University, Inc.

An interview with author, Jennifer Washburn.
by Jennifer Borden, Special to CorpWatch
April 11th, 2005



http://www.corpwatch.org/
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In 1998, the University of California at Berkeley struck a deal with Novartis, a Swiss agricultural-biotechnology firm (now called Syngenta), in which Novartis funded one-third of the research budget of a department within the university’s College of Natural Resources. In exchange, Berkeley gave Novartis exclusive patenting rights to one-third of the discoveries generated from the department and allowed Novartis to occupy 40% of the committee that decides where that research money is allocated.

The agreement ended in 2003, but was highly contested by both students and faculty. Dr. Ignacio Chapela, an assistant professor of microbial biology and a prominent critic of genetic engineering who lost his tenure at around the same time, went on to become the center of a fiery international debate.

The Novartis/UC deal might be the best known example of the kinds of challenges that arise when corporate interest and universities mix. But, as Jennifer Washburn, author of University, Inc.: Corporate Corruption of Higher Education, explains below, it is not unique.

CorpWatch: What inspired you to write University, Inc.?

Jennifer Washburn: I had gotten very interested in the privatization of various areas of public life. We had seen the privatization of prisons and K through 12 education, and increasingly private providers were moving into all areas of public life. I stumbled upon an article by a sociologist and was amazed to find out what was happening with the universities – that in many ways they, too, were becoming privatized. The dynamics were different, but it was a similar intrusion of market forces into an area that had previously been governed by non-market principles.

CW: How does corporate influence on the universities affect the “information commons” you refer to in your book?

JW: I think the threat to the public commons is really at the heart of my book. Historically, universities have played an important role in preserving the public domain for knowledge that we all can draw upon for free. We do not tend to think about knowledge as something one can own. People don’t realize how much we depend on this free flow of information, but historians of scientific innovation, economists and legal scholars are starting to grow very concerned about this shrinking of the public domain, particularly as it affects innovation and new technological discovery.

The basic building blocks of science need to be commonly shared in order to advance scientific ideas. Many people now question whether we would even have had the biotechnology revolution or the computer revolution -- which were both born in these academic research labs -- in this more corporate, proprietary atmosphere. Now the universities are trying to make a lot of their discoveries proprietary, even very fundamental, basic research.

CW: Can you give an example or why this is such a problem?

JW: There is a case at the University of Utah in which a professor discovered a human gene that is responsible for hereditary breast cancer. This research was funded by U.S. taxpayers – approximately $4.6 million – and the University of Utah did not make that gene broadly available to the scientific community. They raced to patent the gene, they licensed it to the professor’s own start-up company, Myriad Genetics. Myriad Genetics proceeded to hoard the gene and prevent other academic scientists throughout the world from using the gene in their own research. That’s a very vivid example and I could point to many others. Basic stem cell research has been exclusively licensed to private companies.

CW: Can you explain the Bayh-Dole Act and talk about why it is important?

JW: It’s named after Birch Bayh and Bob Dole, Senators in Congress who sponsored this legislation in 1980, which gave universities automatic intellectual property rights to federally funded research. In the past, universities did not own publicly funded research on their campuses. Now, they were told, “You own the research. You can patent and license it however you see fit and if you license it to industry, you can extract royalty revenues and this can be a new income stream for the university.” The intention of the legislation was actually quite noble. It was, I believe, inspired by concerns about economic stagnation in this country and rising competition from Germany and Japan.

The problem was, no one really thought through what this would do to the university itself. The Bayh-Dole Act introduced a profit motive into the university for the first time. Never before had the university itself tried to gain financial rewards from professors’ research. Professors started their own businesses on the side, working part time in the lab and part time at their own for-profit companies. The question of who owned academic knowledge became increasingly complex. Graduate students and post-docs were now working in labs where the research was proprietary. If they were working on something they planned to use as part of their thesis, how were they going to negotiate who owned that knowledge? In the past, those issues just didn’t arise in an academic atmosphere.

CW: Can you give some of the economic context for the shifts towards academic-industry partnerships?

JW: U.S. universities have long had relationships with private industry. Many of the land grant institutions had, as part of their mandate, a mission to serve local industrial interests. That meant they should provide expert advice to industry and be thoughtful of the needs of industry, etc. During the industrial era you saw the rise of chemical engineering departments that rose up in tandem with these new industries. Professors consulted for industry, their graduate students would often go on to work in industry after they graduated, but there was a very clear line between what was academic and what was commercial.

Even the Massachusetts Institute for Technology (MIT), which has had some of the closest relationship with industry, was wary of anything that smacked of commercialism. For instance, all of the patenting and licensing they did up until the 1970s was contracted out to an independent, third party. So, if a professor felt that he needed to patent his research in order to commercialize it, it would be handled outside of the university. Now, instead, all of these universities have set up very expensive patenting and licensing operations on campus and they are trolling the different labs looking for commercially lucrative inventions.

CW: In University, Inc., you pose the question, “Are conflicts of interest in the university bad for out health? Aside from the breast cancer gene example, can you name other examples that get at the answer?

JW: Medical schools are probably the most conflicted in terms of industry intrusion. So many professors now receive substantial consulting fees from the same drug companies that manufacture the drugs they study. They serve on [drug company] speakers bureaus. They go on junkets to fancy resorts. You might even have a professor who owns the patent to the drug that he is testing in a human clinical trial on campus. This happened at the University of Pennsylvania.

There was a young man named Jesse Gelsinger died in a gene therapy experiment, in which there were violations of federal human subject protection rules. Later, it came out that the lead investigator and the university itself had equity interests in the company that stood to profit off of the research. The public was very alarmed because suddenly everyone realized that [the university] had a profit interest in that study coming out favorably. Certainly, we cannot prove that is why Jesse Gelsinger died, but most of us can see that it is very important to preserve the academic sphere where there is disinterested research we can trust. Otherwise, we have no idea if the drugs we put in our bodies are safe for us or not.

CW: Many of our readers are international. Can you talk the global impact of the corruption in American higher education?

JW: Yes, absolutely. This has been a huge issue with regards to intellectual property. In the past, it was very important that knowledge developed in the first world was usable by third world countries. Many professors worked on third world diseases that are actually very prevalent, but most drug companies have no interest in funding that research because the people who receive the medicines don’t have money to pay for expensive drugs. That would certainly not go on if universities were simply driven by more commercial, market-oriented research.

There is some very interesting developments with regards to intellectual property and AIDS drugs. For instance, Yale University exclusively licensed publicly funded research that developed the AIDS drug, D4T, to Bristol-Myers. Later, students at Yale, together with Doctors Without Borders, tried to expose the fact that the university was actually profiting off of this patent, while the drug was too expensive for the vast majority of people who suffer from AIDS throughout Africa and the world. If universities were more focused on protecting the public domain and insuring broad access to their research, this would not have happened.

CW: In your book, you talk about potential solutions. Can you go into some of them here?

JW: People who are on these college campuses must look into where industry money is playing a big role. Increasingly, universities are signing contracts that allow industry to dictate the terms of the research in ways that violate academic freedom. The only ways those contracts can become public is if someone starts to raise questions and insists on openness. A lot of these contracts are considered proprietary, and even public universities are reluctant to make them available. At U.C. Berkeley, it was very important that professors and students insisted on making the contract with Novartis open so that people could see the terms of the contract. Public exposure is critical.

The public also has a responsibility. Part of the reason these institutions are becoming more dependent on industry funding is because of cutbacks in public support for higher education. It is critical that we realize that our taxpayer dollars are what keep these institutions public in nature. People frown on any increase in taxes, but if we do not have the tax base to support these institutions then, in some sense, we are forcing them to go into the arms of industry. I think we have broader questions that we need to ask.

Do we want our higher education system to remain a public good? If so, are we willing to support it as such?

CW: In your book you talk about various student groups that played a role in raising awareness around these issues…

JW: Yes, [it was] students who exposed the fact that Yale was profiting off of the D4T drug, while people in Africa did not have access to this drug. The professor who invented D4T was so upset to learn that his invention was not being made broadly available, that he actually wound up siding with the students and that humiliated Yale University.

Essentially, it became such an embarrassment that Bristol-Myers caved in and substantially lowered prices for these drugs in the developing world. Students have enormous power because a lot of the activities that universities are involved in fundamentally go against their educational research mission. These institutions depend on public support and they do not like to look like they are profiteering or self-interested. If students can point that out, it’s a strong leverage point. And just being students at the campus, they are in a very unique position to expose problems.

CW: Is there anything else you want to say about moving forward?

JW: Well, I do have a lot of suggestions in the book. We need stricter conflict-of-interest rules from the federal government. We need to get patenting, licensing and commercial activity out of the university and we should go back to the model that I spoke about earlier, at MIT, where an independent, third-party would handle all the commercial activities to get that profit motive out of the heart of the university.


Want more? Read an excerpt of University, Inc. from the American Prospect Online Edition.

Monday, May 02, 2005

Greenpeace Icon Passes



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by Captain: PEJ News

I met Bob Hunter for the first time in November 1971 when the Phyllis Cormack (the first Greenpeace) and the Edgewater Fortune (Greenpeace Too) made rendezvous off Comox. He was on his way back from the Gulf of Alaska, we were racing to get to Amchitka Island before Uncle Sam set off a nuclear device. We didn't get there in time but we sure made waves, calling the attention of the world's media to what we were doing. Bob and I subsequently became frequent drinking companions at certain Granville Street pubs. While we had our differences over journalistic ethics and environmental philosophy, Bob was without doubt one of my major influences as I began a new life on the BC coast. Bob died this morning in Toronto at age 64.


Perhaps more than anyone else, Bob Hunter invented Greenpeace. His death today, of cancer, marks the passing of a true original, one of the heroes of the environmental movement.


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In 1971, the word "Greenpeace" hadn't yet been coined. Bob was a hippie journalist in Vancouver, a town which he described as having "the biggest concentration of tree-huggers, radicalized students, garbage-dump stoppers, shit-disturbing unionists, freeway fighters, pot smokers and growers, aging Trotskyites, condo killers, farmland savers, fish preservationists, animal rights activists, back-to-the-landers, vegetarians, nudists, Buddhists, and anti-spraying, anti-pollution marchers and picketers in the country, per capita, in the world."



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Mind bombs


A student of Marshall McLuhan, he was bent on changing the world with what he termed "media mindbombs" -- consciousness-changing sounds and images to blast around the world in the guise of news. He got involved with a few folks in a church basement who wanted to stop a US nuclear weapons test off Amchitka, which he called the "Don't Make a Wave Committee".

But their plans were going nowhere until Marie Bohlen suggested that the group simply sail a ship into the test site. Bob thought it was a perfect "mindbomb," and on September 15, 1971, he and 11 other rag-tag activists would sail out to challenge the greatest military force on Earth in a rusting fishing boat they called "Greenpeace." In doing so, they set off a wave of public support and protest which closed the US-Canadian border for the first time since 1812, ultimately shut the testing programme down, and created a new force for environmental and peace activism which continues to this day.

Over the next decade, Bob's madcap creativity, strategic smarts, and hard-nosed journalistic sense of story would indelibly mark the Greenpeace brand of action. From the pack ice of Newfoundland, where he dyed the whitecoats of Harp Seal pups to make them commercially worthless, to the Pacific Ocean where he stood between Russian harpoons and the whales they were hunting, he inspired a new brand of personal environmental activism.



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Shaman, mystic


"Bob was a storyteller, a shaman, a word-magician, a Machiavellian mystic, and he dared to inject a sense of humour into the often shrill and sanctimonious job of changing the world," says Greenpeace Executive Director Gerd Leipold. "He was funny and brave and audacious, inspiring in his refusal to accept the limits of the practical or the probable. He revelled in life's ability to deliver little miracles in the form of impossibilities achieved, and Greenpeace will forever bear the mark of his crazy, super-optimistic faith in the wisdom of tilting at windmills."






In 1978, Hunter chronicled the birth of Greenpeace in his book "Warriors of the Rainbow." It was a masterful feat of storytelling, one which attracted a further generation of young people into the ranks of the organisation. In its introduction he wrote: "We fought... an unequal battle against American and French nuclear weapons makers; Russian, Japanese, and Australian whalers; Norwegian and Canadian seal hunters; multinational oil consortiums and pesticide manufactures; cynical politicians; angry workers; and, again and again, ourselves. The people involved were men and women, young and old, not all of them brave or wise, who found themselves face-to-face with the fullest ecological horrors of the century..."


Among Hunter's stock stories was the tale of how he'd stumbled on to the Cree Indian myth of the "Warriors of the Rainbow" -- a legendary tribe of spirits who would rescue nature when the Earth became sick. The story involved a gypsy dulcimer maker, an old set of fenceposts, and the gift of a book which Hunter claimed leapt into his hands -- quite literally -- when Greenpeace dropped down a steep swell on its way to Amchitka. The story itself was magical and mythological, and over the years Hunter would embellish and polish it into a hilarious and inspirational piece of campfire folklore.




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Awful child


Hunter was born in Winnipeg, Manitoba in 1941. In his own words "I was an awful, rebellious, early attention-defficient kid who was loved by my art and English teachers, but hated by the rest. I cheated by scribbling novels when I was supposed to be doing schoolwork." He became a journalist for the Winnipeg Tribune and later wrote a column for the Vancouver Sun in which he featured environmental subjects. He quit writing the column when he joined the first Greenpeace voyage to save the whales, becoming a reporter explicitly to ensure his somewhat less than objective "message" would reach a global audience, because "the subjective stuff written by columnists [was] never picked up by the wire services."

He readily confessed that this made him "a traitor to my profession," but believed he had a higher calling: "If we ignore [the] laws of ecology we will continue to be guilty of crimes against the earth. We will not be judged by men for these crimes, but with a justice meeted out by the earth itself. The destruction of the earth will lead, inevitably, to the destruction of ourselves."

Hunter became president of the Greenpeace Foundation in 1973, and served in that post until 1977.

He joined Toronto's City TV as an ecology specialist in 1988, and for years hosted a highly successful morning TV spot for Breakfast TV in his bathrobe, in which he read the day's newspaper headlines and sputtered scandalously witty commentaries in a form of rapid-fire stand-up journalism.



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Advisor, speaker, comedian-in-chief



Over the years he continued to contribute to Greenpeace as an advisor and occasional speaker, and kept up good relations with the organisation's original luminaries, including many who were no longer on speaking terms with one other. He authored several books and founded a tongue-in-cheek religion, the Whole Earth Church.

In a recent book, Rex Weyler writes about reflecting with Hunter on their experiences in the early days of Greenpeace:

"The ironies and tension of history simultaneously provided the gift of history: that we got to live, to see the flourishing Earth, the flying fish, dolphins, caribou, seal pups, the raging sea, the blue light of morning, the miracle and terror of survival all rolled into one; and that we were blessed with an opportunity to serve it."

Bob Hunter made much of his opportunity to serve the Earth, and Greenpeace will always be blessed with his spirit.




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Dirty Carpets, Carbombs, and Carrot Saviours

Baghdad Burning


... I'll meet you 'round the bend my friend, where hearts can heal and souls can mend...


Riverbend in Baghdad
Monday, May 02, 2005

Saved by the Carrots...

These last few days have been explosive- quite literally. It started about 4 days ago and it hasn't let up since. They say there were around 14 car bombs in Baghdad alone a couple of days ago- although we only heard 6 from our area. Cars are making me very nervous lately. All cars look suspicious- small ones and large ones. Old cars and new cars. Cars with drivers and cars parked in front of restaurants and shops. They all have a sinister look to them these days.

The worst day for us was the day before yesterday. We were sitting in the living room with an aunt and her 16-year-old son and listening patiently as she scolded the household for *still* having our rugs spread. In Iraq, people don't keep their carpeting all year round. We begin removing the carpeting around April and it doesn't come back until around October. We don't have wall to wall carpeting here like abroad. Instead, we have lovely rugs that we usually spread in the middle of the room. The best kinds are made in Iran, specifically in Tabriz or Kashan. They are often large, heavy and intricately designed. Tabriz and Kashan rugs are very expensive and few families actually have them any more. Most people who do have Tabriz rugs in Baghdad got them through an inheritance.

We have ordinary Persian rugs (which we suspect aren't really Persian at all). They aren't expensive or even particularly impressive, but they give the living room that Eastern look many Iraqi houses seem to have- no matter how Western the furniture is. The patterns and colors are repeated all over the rugs in a sort of symmetrical fashion. If you really focus on them though, you can often see a story being told by the flowers, geometrical shapes and sometimes birds or butterflies. When we were younger, E. and I would sit and stare at them, trying to 'read' the colors and designs- Having them on the ground is almost like having a woolly blog for the floor.

So my aunt sat there, telling us we should have had the rugs cleaned and packed away long ago- like the beginning of April. And she was right. The proper thing would be to give the rugs a good cleaning and roll them up for storage in their corner in the hallway upstairs, to stand tall and firm for almost 7 months, like sentinels of the second floor. The reason we hadn't gotten around to doing this yet was quite simple- the water situation in our area didn't allow for washing the rugs in April and so we had procrastinated the rug situation, until one week became two weeks and two weeks melted into three... and now we were in the first days of May and the rugs faced us almost disapprovingly on the floor.

Within 20 minutes, the aunt decided she was going to stay and help us remove said rugs the next day. We would go upstairs to clean the roof of the house very thoroughly. We would drag the rugs to the roof the next day and one by one, beat them thoroughly to get out the excess dust, then wipe down the larger ones with my aunts secret rug-cleaning mix and wash the smaller ones and set them out to dry on the hot roof.

Her son couldn't spend the night however, and he decided to return home the same day. It was around maybe 1 pm when he walked out the door, planning to walk the two kilometers home. He listened to my aunt as she gave him instructions about heating lunch for his father, studying, washing fruit before eating it, picking up carrots on the way home, watching out for suspicious cars and people and calling as soon as he walked through the door so she could relax. He shook his head in the affirmative, waved goodbye and walked out the gate towards the main street.

Three minutes later, an explosion rocked the house. The windows rattled momentarily and a door slammed somewhere upstairs. I was clutching a corner of the living room rug where I had pulled it back to assure my aunt that there were no bugs living under it.

"Car bomb." E. said grimly, running outside to see where it had come from. I looked at my aunt apprehensively and she sat, pale, her hands shaking as she adjusted the head scarf she wore, preparing to go outside.

"F. just went out the door..." she said, breathlessly referring to her son. I dropped the handful of carpeting and ran outside to follow E. My heart was beating wildly as I tried to decide the direction of the explosion. I sensed my aunt not far behind me.

"Do you see him?" She called out weakly. I was in the middle of the street by then and some of the neighbors were standing around outside.

"Where did it come from?" I called across the street to one of the neighborhood children.

"The main street." He answered back, pointing in the direction my cousin had gone.

"Did it come from the main street?" My aunt cried out from the gate.

"No." I lied, searching for E. "No- it came from the other side." I was trying to decide whether I should go ahead and run out to the main street where it seemed more and more people were gathering, when I saw E. rounding the corner, an arm casually draped around my cousin who seemed to be talking excitedly. I turned to smile encouragingly at my aunt who was sagging with relief at the gate.

"He's fine." She said. "He's fine."

"I was near the explosion!" F. said excitedly as he neared the house. My aunt grabbed him by the shoulders and began inspecting him- his face, his neck, his arms.

"I'm fine mother..." he shrugged her off as she began a long prayer of thanks interspersed with irrational scolding about how he should be more careful.

"Did anyone get hurt?" I asked E., dreading the answer. E. nodded and held up three fingers.

"I think three people were killed and there are some waiting for the cars to take them to the hospital."

Back in the house, E. and I decided he'd go back and see if he could help. We gathered up some gauze, medical tape, antiseptic and a couple of bottles of cold water. I turned back to my cousin after E. had left. He was excited and tense, eyes wide with disbelief. His voice was shaking slightly as he spoke and his lower lip trembled.

"I was just going to cross the street but I remembered I should buy the carrots" He spoke rapidly, "So I stopped by that guy who sells vegetables and just as I was buying them- a big BOOM and a car exploded and the one next to it began to burn... If I hadn't stopped for the carrots..." The cousin began waving his arms around in the air and I leaned back to avoid one in the face.

My aunt gasped, stopping in the living room, "The carrots saved you!" She cried out, holding a hand to her heart. My cousin looked at her incredulously and the color slowly began to return to his face. "Carrots." He murmured, throwing himself down on the sofa and grabbing one of the cushions, "Carrots saved me."

E. came home an hour later, tired and disheveled. Two people had died- the third would probably survive- but at least a dozen others were wounded. Every time I look at my cousin, I wonder- gratefully- how it was that we were so lucky.

- posted by river @ 11:59 PM

Bush and the Third Rail


The cat's finally out of the bag.

Having failed to attract much interest in his plan for privatizing Social Security and killing it off more or less directly, President Bush, in a rare, but typically scripted press conference at the White House last week, declared his intention to convert the 70-year-old retirement security program into a welfare program, pure and simple.

Bush's latest scheme would see retirement checks slashed for those earning as little as $36,000 a year (by 13 percent according to one estimate).

Worse yet--and this is clearly the whole idea--once the program is turned into a welfare scheme, in which the middle and upper middle classes have no real stake, political support for the program will dry up, benefits for the poor will be slashed, and the program will eventually die or be killed off.

This is a defining moment for Democrats and for progressives.

Compromise at this point with Bush and with the Republicans in Congress would mean the beginning of the end for Social Security.

Congressional Democrats, who for years have warned that Republicans are out to ruin Social Security, now have it direct from the president's own mouth. If they cannot stand firm against the threat now that it's been clearly stated, they deserve to go the way of the Whigs.

As for progressives both inside and outside the Democratic Party, this is a moment to push hard for preservation of the most enduring legacy of the New Deal, a program which is probably more popular across class and region than any other.

The truth is, progressives have been handed a golden opportunity. Bush'/s espousal of an income-staggered retirement system opens the door for them to promote a genuinely progressive alternative--one which would not threaten the middle class or undermine broad political support for the basic program. That alternative is to call for an end to the cap on income subject to Social Security taxation (currently any income above $90,000 per individual is not taxed).

All too many Democrats have already surrendered the high ground in this battle by accepting as a given the Bush claim that the Social Security system is headed towards bankruptcy by 2041.

This claim is absurd (the fund cannot go bankrupt as it is backed by the U.S. government) and false (the "bankruptcy" is based upon an assumption that the U.S. economy will only grow by 1.9 percent per year over the next two and a half decades, a ridiculously low growth rate).

Some conservative and cowardly Democrats have also expressed a willingness to consider reducing the inflation adjustment in Social Security checks--a kind of slow-moving cut back of Social Security which, by the time it is recognized, will no longer have the fingerprints of the knife-weilders on it.

The only correct stand at this point is no compromise. Social Security must be not jus t preserved; it must be bolstered.

The president has grasped that third rail. It's time to throw the switch and hit him with some high-voltage popular outrage.

8:36 am pdt

Sunday, May 01, 2005

Italy Report on Killing Goes Public Monday
Italy Says Its Report on Agent's Killing
on Monday Will Shed Light on Coordination Problems



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Associated Press
May. 1, 2005


Italy is contending that its report on the U.S. soldiers' slaying in Baghdad of an Italian intelligence agent will shed light on problems with coordination among authorities in Iraq and with rules of engagement for checkpoints.

In a statement on its Web site Sunday, the Italian foreign ministry said the Italian report will be made public on Monday evening, providing its own version of the March 4 "friendly fire" shooting of agent Nicola Calipari, who had just won the release of an Italian hostage, journalist Giuliana Sgrena.

On Saturday, the U.S. military released its report, contending the car Calipari was riding in as he headed to Baghdad airport with the ex-hostage didn't slow down at the checkpoint and that the American soldiers didn't do anything wrong.

The two Italian experts who participated in the joint U.S-Italian probe of the shooting refused to sign off on the American's conclusions, and after several days of negotiations failed to yield a common final report. Both sides essentially agreed to disagree on the findings.

"Despite, in fact, the many points on which the two sides registered similar assessments, the principal aspects on which it wasn't possible to pinpoint shared assessments regard, above all, the rules of engagement and the coordination with the competent authorities in Iraq," the ministry statement said.

"All that will emerge clearly from the Italian report, being worked on, which will be made public on Monday," the ministry said.


Pre-Emptive War: Boomerangs for Tony

Blair planned Iraq war from start
Michael Smith
The Times


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INSIDE Downing Street Tony Blair had gathered some of his senior ministers and advisers for a pivotal meeting in the build-up to the Iraq war. It was 9am on July 23, 2002, eight months before the invasion began and long before the public was told war was inevitable. The discussion that morning was highly confidential. As minutes of the proceedings, headed “Secret and strictly personal — UK eyes only”, state: “This record is extremely sensitive. No further copies should be made. It should be shown only to those with a genuine need to know its contents.”


In the room were the prime minister, Jack Straw, the foreign secretary, Geoff Hoon, the defence secretary, Lord Goldsmith, the attorney-general, and military and intelligence chiefs. Also listed on the minutes are Alastair Campbell, then Blair’s director of strategy, Jonathan Powell, his chief of staff, and Sally Morgan, director of government relations. What they were about to discuss would dominate the political agenda for years to come and indelibly stain Blair’s reputation; and last week the issue exploded again on the political scene as Blair campaigned in the hope of winning a third term as prime minister. For the secret documents — seen by The Sunday Times — reveal that on that Tuesday in 2002: Blair was right from the outset committed to supporting US plans for “regime change” in Iraq. War was already “seen as inevitable”.

The attorney-general was already warning of grave doubts about its legality. Straw even said the case for war was “thin”. So Blair and his inner circle set about devising a plan to justify invasion.

“If the political context were right,” said Blair, “people would support regime change.”

Straightforward regime change, though, was illegal. They needed another reason. By the end of the meeting, a possible path to invasion was agreed and it was noted that Admiral Sir Michael Boyce, chief of the defence staff, “would send the prime minister full details of the proposed military campaign and possible UK contributions by the end of the week”.

Outside Downing Street, the rest of Britain, including most cabinet ministers, knew nothing of this. True, tensions were running high, and fears of terrorism were widespread. But Blair’s constant refrain was that “no decisions” had been taken about what to do with Iraq. The following day in the House of Commons, Blair told MPs: “We have not got to the stage of military action . . . we have not yet reached the point of decision.”

It was typical lawyer’s cleverness, if not dissembling: while no actual order had been given to invade, Blair already knew Saddam Hussein was going to be removed, sooner or later. Plans were in motion. The justification would come later. As a civil service briefing paper specifically prepared for the July meeting reveals, Blair had made his fundamental decision on Saddam when he met President George W Bush in Crawford, Texas, in April 2002.

“When the prime minister discussed Iraq with President Bush at Crawford in April,” states the paper, “he said that the UK would support military action to bring about regime change.” Blair set certain conditions: that efforts were first made to try to eliminate Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction (WMD) through weapons inspectors and to form a coalition and “shape” public opinion. But the bottom line was that he was signed up to ousting Saddam by force if other methods failed.

The Americans just wanted to get rid of the brutal dictator, whether or not he posed an immediate threat. This presented a problem because, as the secret briefing paper made clear, there were no clear legal grounds for war. “US views of international law vary from that of the UK and the international community,” says the briefing paper. “Regime change per se is not a proper basis for military action under international law.”

To compound matters, the US was not a party to the International Criminal Court, while Britain was. The ICC, which came into force on 1 July, 2002, was set up to try international offences such as war crimes. Military plans were forging ahead in America but the British, despite Blair’s commitment, played down talk of war. In April, Straw told MPs that no decisions about military action “are likely to be made for some time”. That month Blair said in the Commons: “We will ensure the house is properly consulted.”

On July 17 he told MPs: “As I say constantly, no decisions have yet been taken.” Six days later in Downing Street the man who opened the secret discussion of Blair’s war meeting was John Scarlett, chairman of the joint intelligence committee. A former MI6 officer, Scarlett had become a key member of Blair’s “sofa cabinet”.

He came straight to the point — “Saddam’s regime was tough and based on extreme fear. The only way to overthrow it was likely to be by massive military action”. Saddam was expecting an attack, said Scarlett, but was not convinced it would be “immediate or overwhelming”. His assessment reveals that the primary impetus to action over Iraq was not the threat posed by weapons of mass destruction — as Blair later told the country — but the desire to overthrow Saddam. There was little talk of WMD at all.

The next contributor to the meeting, according to the minutes, was “C”, as the chief of MI6 is traditionally known. Sir Richard Dearlove added nothing to what Scarlett had said about Iraq: his intelligence concerned his recent visit to Washington where he had held talks with George Tenet, director of the CIA. “Military action was now seen as inevitable,” said Dearlove.

“Bush wanted to remove Saddam, through military action, justified by the conjunction of terrorism and WMD.” The Americans had been trying to link Saddam to the 9/11 attacks; but the British knew the evidence was flimsy or non-existent. Dearlove warned the meeting that “the intelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy”.

It was clear from Dearlove’s brief visit that the US administration’s attitude would compound the legal difficulties for Britain. The US had no patience with the United Nations and little inclination to ensure an invasion was backed by the security council, he said. Nor did the Americans seem very interested in what might happen in the aftermath of military action. Yet, as Boyce then reported, events were already moving swiftly. “CDS (chief of the defence staff) said that military planners would brief (Donald) Rumsfeld (US defence secretary) on 3 August and Bush on 4 August.”

The US invasion plans centred around two options. One was a full-blown reprise of the 1991 Gulf war, a steady and obvious build-up of troops over several months, followed by a large-scale invasion. The other was a “running start”. Seizing on an Iraqi casus belli, US and RAF patrols over the southern no-fly zone would knock out the Iraqi air defences. Allied special forces would then carry out a series of small-scale operations in tandem with the Iraqi opposition, with more forces joining the battle as they arrived, eventually toppling Saddam’s regime. The “running start” was, said Boyce, “a hazardous option”. In either case the US saw three options for British involvement.

The first allowed the use of the bases in Diego Garcia and Cyprus and three squadrons of special forces; the second added RAF aircraft and Royal Navy ships; the third threw in 40,000 ground troops “perhaps with a discrete role in northern Iraq entering from Turkey”. At the least the US saw the use of British bases as “critical”, which posed immediate legal problems. And Hoon said the US had already begun “spikes of activity” to put pressure on the regime. AMID all this talk of military might and invasion plans, one awkward voice spoke up. Straw warned that, though Bush had made up his mind on military action, the case for it was “thin”.

He was not thinking in purely legal terms. A few weeks later the government would paint Saddam as an imminent threat to the Middle East and the world. But that morning in private Straw said: “Saddam was not threatening his neighbours, and his WMD capability was less than that of Libya, North Korea or Iran.” It was a key point. If Saddam was not an immediate threat, could war be justified legally?

The attorney-general made his position clear, telling the meeting that “the desire for regime change was not a legal base for military action”. Right from the outset, the minutes reveal, the government’s legal adviser had grave doubts about Blair’s plans; he would only finally conclude unequivocally that war was legal three days before the invasion, by which time tens of thousands of troops were already on the borders of Iraq. There were three possible legal bases for military action, said Goldsmith. Self-defence, intervention to end an humanitarian crisis and a resolution from the UN Security Council. Neither of the first two options was a possibility with Iraq; it had to be a UN resolution. But relying, as some hoped they could, on an existing UN resolution, would be “difficult”. Despite voicing concerns, Straw was not standing in the way of war. It was he who suggested a solution: they should force Saddam into a corner where he would give them a clear reason for war.

“We should work up a plan for an ultimatum to Saddam to allow back in the UN weapons inspectors,” he said. If he refused, or the weapons inspectors found WMD, there would be good cause for war. “This would also help with the legal justification for the use of force,” said Straw. From the minutes, it seems as if Blair seized on the idea as a way of reconciling the US drive towards invasion and Britain’s need for a legal excuse. “The prime minister said that it would make a big difference politically and legally if Saddam refused to allow in the UN inspectors,” record the minutes. “Regime change and WMD were linked in the sense that it was the regime that was producing the WMD . . . If the political context were right, people would support regime change.”

Blair would subsequently portray the key issue to parliament and the people as the threat of WMD; and weeks later he would produce the now notorious “sexed up” dossier detailing Iraq’s suspected nuclear, biological and chemical weapons programmes. But in the meeting Blair said: “The two key issues are whether the military plan works and whether we have the political strategy to give the military plan the space to work.” Hoon said that if the prime minister wanted to send in the troops, he would have to decide early. The defence chiefs were pressing to be allowed to buy large amounts of equipment as “urgent operational requirements”. They had been prevented from preparing for war, partly by Blair’s insistence that there could be no publicly visible preparations that might inflame splits in his party, partly by the fact there was no authorisation to spend any money. The meeting concluded that they should plan for the UK taking part in any military action.

Boyce would send Blair full details; Blair would come back with a decision about money; and Straw would send Blair the background on the UN inspectors and “discreetly work up the ultimatum to Saddam”. The final note of the minutes, says: “We must not ignore the legal issues: the attorney-general would consider legal advice with (Foreign Office/Ministry of Defence) legal advisers.” It was a prophetic warning. Also seen by The Sunday Times is the Foreign Office opinion on the possible legal bases for war. Marked “Confidential”, it runs to eight pages and casts doubt on the possibility of reviving the authority to use force from earlier UN resolutions. “Reliance on it now would be unlikely to receive any support,” it says. Foreign Office lawyers were consistently doubtful of the legality of war and one deputy legal director, Elizabeth Wilmshurst, ultimately resigned because she believed the conflict was a “crime of aggression”.

The Foreign Office briefing on the legal aspects was made available for the Downing Street meeting on July 23. Ten days ago, when Blair was interviewed by the BBC’s Jeremy Paxman, the prime minister was asked repeatedly whether he had seen that advice. “No,” said Blair. “I had the attorney-general’s advice to guide me.” But as the July 23 documents show, the attorney-general’s view was, until the last minute, also riven with doubts. Three years on, it and the questionable legality of the war are still hanging round Blair’s neck like an albatross.

Idling the Search Engine: Censor Redux


Bushzarro Google:
the Quality of Omission and Lies
Kurt Nimmo
May 01, 2005



http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/
USAcreel.jpg

George Creel: First Censor


Considering Google’s plan “to build a database that will compare the track record and credibility of all news sources around the world, and adjust the ranking of any search results accordingly” (see Google To Implement Bias Towards Mainstream News), I am reminded of George Creel.

Creel ran the Committee on Public Information (CPI), a warmongering propaganda outfit set up by president Wilson on April 13, 1917. “CPI recruited heavily from business, media, academia, and the art world,” writes Propaganda Critic. “Like modern reporters who participate in Pentagon press pools, journalists grudgingly complied with the [CPI’s]official guidelines in order to stay connected to the information loop. Radical newspapers, such as the socialist Appeal to Reason, were almost completely extinguished by wartime limitations on dissent.”

Of course, nowadays, there is no CPI telling newspapers and web sites what they will publish or post—and there does not need to be because censorship (or propaganda by omission) is a built-in feature of the corporate media and information services, as Google demonstrates. Note Google’s assertion that it is simply adjusting the “credibility” of news sources, as if the New York Times and the Washington Post, two “mainstream” corporate newspapers guilty of telling lies about Saddam Hussein’s illusory weapons of mass destruction and thus cheerleading Bush’s illegal invasion and occupation of Iraq, are more “credible” than other news sources that told the truth about what Bush and his clique of warmongering Strausscons were up to, indisputable facts borne out after the fact (and generally ignored by the corporate media).

In short, after Google installs its “quality” control algorithm, a search of the words “Fallujah” and “war crimes” will return stories by the corporate media (who have basically ignored the war crimes in Fallujah) and sort those stories at the top of the list while stories by Francis A. Boyle posted in Counterpunch or Christopher Bollyn of the American Free Press will sorted at the distant end of a list of 400,000 results.

In order to use Google effectively in the future, it may be necessary to click on the page numbers at the bottom of the page until you reach the end of the list. Remember, in Bushzarro world, everything is backwards, up is down, night is day, mass murder is democracy, etc. Bushzarro Google, as a large corporate leviathan with a strangle hold on the “search market,” will naturally follow these dynamics. In order to find the truth, more work will be required.

Nobody said it would be a rose garden.

Google Goes Ga Ga for New Corporate News Model

Google's right turn is already effecting alternative news sources. This means the end of these fact checking resources for Google users. Bye Bye Google {ape}


Google searches for quality not quantity
Special Report from New Scientist

Barry Fox
11:00 01 May 2005


GOOGLE has plans that will dramatically improve the results of internet news searches, by ranking them according to quality rather than simply by their date and relevance to search terms. The ambitious system is revealed by patents filed in the US and around the world (WO 2005/029368) by researchers based at the company's headquarters in Mountain View, California.

At the moment the company's search engine throws up thousands of "hits" in response to simple entries such as "Iraq", which lead to news websites. These are ranked either in order of relevance or by date, so that the most recent or most focused appear at the top of the huge list.

This means that articles carrying more authority, say from CNN or the BBC, can be ousted from the first page of results, simply because they are not as recent or as relevant to the keyword entered in the search line.

Now Google, whose name has become synonymous with internet searching, plans to build a database that will compare the track record and credibility of all news sources around the world, and adjust the ranking of any search results accordingly. The database will be built by continually monitoring the number of stories from all news sources, along with average story length, number with bylines, and number of the bureaux cited, along with how long they have been in business. Google's database will also keep track of the number of staff a news source employs, the volume of internet traffic to its website and the number of countries accessing the site.

Google will take all these parameters, weight them according to formulae it is constructing, and distil them down to create a single value. This number will then be used to rank the results of any news search.

The patent also reveals that the same system could be roped in to rank other search results, not simply news. So sales and services could in the future be listed on the basis of price and the reputation of the company involved.


Gorilla Radio for Monday, May 2nd, '05

G-Radio is dedicated to social justice, the environment, community, and providing a forum for people and issues not covered in the mainstream media.


Not long before his 2001 election, Premier Gordon Campbell stated: “I don’t believe in breaking contracts.” He said this in response to worries expressed by government employees that the Liberals would negate and renege contracts signed by their predecessor NDP government.

Not long in power, the Premier, counter to his belief system, did exactly that.

One of the many unprecedented actions taken by Gordon and his gang is the unilateral cancellation of retirement benefits for both current and former employees.

This retroactive rewrite of promises signed and sealed is, in the eyes of the B.C. Government Retired Employees Association illegal, and last December they filed a 100 million dollar plus law suit against the province of B.C.

Terry Prentice is a retired public servant currently serving on the BCGREA Class Action Committee. Terry Prentice in the first half.

And; we’ve all heard of corporations and corporatism, but what is it? What are these perpetual entities, and why should we mere mortals keep an eye on their doings?

Pratap Chatterjee is an investigative journalist and the Managing Editor and Program Director with the U.S.-based CorpWatch. He’s been watching the corporate bonanza surrounding Iraq’s war and occupation contracts. Pratap Chatterjee in the second half.

And; Janine Bandcroft will be here at the bottom of the hour to bring us up to speed with all that’s good to do in and around Victoria this week.

But first, Terry Prentice and promises made, promises broken.

Chris Cook produces and hosts, Gorilla Radio, airing live every Monday, 5-6pm Pacific Time. In Victoria at 102FM, 104.3 cable, and on the internet at: http://cfuv.uvic.ca

And, check out the GR blog at:
http://GorillaRadioBlog.blogspot.com


Some past guests include: Nahla Abdo, M. Junaid Alam, M. Shahid Alam, Joel Bakan, Maude Barlow, David Barsamian, William Blum, Eric Blumrich, Kristina Borjesson, Vincent Bugliosi, Helen Caldicott, Noam Chomsky, Michel Chossudovsky, Diane Christian, Juan Cole, William A. Cook, David Cromwell, Jon Elmer, Reese Erlich, Jim Fetzer, Laura Flanders, Glen Ford, Susan George, Al Giordano, Stan Goff, Robert Greenwald, Denis Halliday, Chris Hedges, Sander Hicks, Julia Butterfly Hill, Robert Jensen, Tom Jackson, Ron Jacobs, Dahr Jamail, Diana Johnstone, John Kaminski, Kathy Kelly, Naomi Klein, Anthony Lappe, Frances Moore Lappe, Dave Lindorff, Jim Lobe, Wayne Madsen, Linda McQuaig, Mark Crispin Miller, George Monbiot, Mykeru, Loretta Napoleoni, John Nichols, Kurt Nimmo, Greg Palast, Michael Parenti, William Rivers Pitt, Justin Podur, Sheldon Rampton, Scott Ritter, Paul de Rooij, John Ross, Michael C. Ruppert, Bert Sacks, Danny Schechter, Vandana Shiva, Jaggi Singh, Norman Solomon, Starhawk, John Stauber, Ben Tripp, Grant Wakefield, Bernard Weiner, Robert Anton Wilson, Katherine Yurica, Mickey Z., and many others.