Saturday, June 11, 2011

Omega Air Crash at Mugu Air Force Base


Minor injuries reported in plane crash at Point Mugu
http://m.vcstar.com/news/2011/may/18/plane-down-pt-mugu-no-injuries/
By John Scheibe
Updated Thursday, May 19, 2011
A Boeing 707 burns after crashing during takeoff at Naval Base Ventura County Point Mugu, Wednesday afternoon. Three people on board escaped with minor injuries, authorities said.

Photo by Stephen Osman

A military contractor's Boeing 707 military tanker carrying 150,000 pounds of fuel crashed and burned on takeoff at the Naval Base Ventura County Point Mugu late Wednesday afternoon, sending a thick plume of smoke into the sky visible from miles away.

The three civilian crew members on board, including the pilot and co-pilot, suffered minor injuries in the 5:25 p.m. crash, according to base officials. The crew members were taken to a local hospital, where they were treated for their injuries, according to the Ventura County Fire Department.

The plume of smoke stretched southward toward Malibu and Santa Monica. A helicopter dumped several loads of water on the plane as the flames and black smoke filled the air. The fire was knocked down at 9:09 p.m., according to the base.

Base spokeswoman Teri Reid said the tanker is used for fleet operations support and transporting fuel.

County firefighters were called to the base about 5:30 p.m. to assist base crews in putting out the flames. The two agencies have a mutual aid agreement, said Bill Nash, a spokesman for the county fire department. The county sheriff's department also provided a fire helicopter to the base to help fight the blaze.

FAA records show Omega Air as the plane's owner.

The plane went off the south end of the runway, authorities said. The plane came to a rest within a few hundred feet of the Pacific Ocean, though it was not clear whether any fuel had gone into the ocean.

Omega is a civilian company under contract by the Navy to provide fleet operations support on Point Mugu's sea test range, base officials said.

The National Air Transportation Board was investigating the cause of the crash on Wednesday, base officials said.

The Federal Aviation Administration also was investigating the crash, since the plane was a civilian one, said Ian Gregor, a spokesman for the FAA. A local FAA investigator was on the scene on Wednesday night, Gregor said, and another FAA investigator from Washington, D.C., is scheduled to serve as the agency's lead investigator today.

A person working at the Navy Exchange on base said he noticed something might be amiss when he saw customers taking pictures of something with their phones. When he went outside about 5:50 p.m., he saw the smoke and could smell fuel burning.

The smoke drew curiosity seekers to Missile Park, located just outside Mugu's northern perimeter. The plume of smoke was still clearly visible at 8 p.m., hours after the crash.

Officials at Omega could not be reached for comment. But according to its website, the 7-year-old company has corporate offices in Virginia and provides refueling services to the U.S. armed forces and its allies. Key management at the company include former naval aviators, and many crew members and other employees have a background with the Air Force, the company's website says.

The 707-321B aircraft that crashed was manufactured in 1969 by Boeing, according to an FAA registry.

Omega's fleet includes two 707 tankers and a DC-10, each capable of flying up to 1,200-plus hours each year, according to the company's website. Omega can carry from 156,000 to 160,000 pounds of fuel, depending on type and temperature, the website says.

The two 707s fly the majority of the company's missions. Seven Q Seven, a subsidiary of Omega Air, is responsible for maintaining the planes, the website says. Planes are based out of Seven Q Seven's facility at the San Antonio International Airport.

It's not known where the tanker was headed at the time of the crash.

According to Boeing's website, the 707 series was based on a prototype that ushered America into the jet age when it made its maiden flight on July 15, 1954.

"Much larger, faster and smoother than the propeller airplanes it was replacing, it quickly changed the face of international travel," the Boeing website states.

After Pan Am inaugurated trans-Atlantic 707 jet service between New York and Paris, jetliners rapidly entered service throughout the world, the website states.

Staff writer Cheri Carlson and The Associated Press contributed to this article

Monday, May 30, 2011

Fukushima: Lethal Doses Count Increases Dramatically

Dr Scampa’s Lethal Doses Count Increases Dramatically
by Bob Nichols

http://www.veteranstoday.com/2011/05/28/fukushima-how-many-chernobyls-is-it/

(San Francisco) – The world’s second big nuclear disaster occurred at Chernobyl Reactor No. 4 in the Ukraine on Apr 26, 1986. Simply tagged as “Chernobyl,” it is what the next big and well known nuke disaster, after the American Three Mile Island, on March 28, 1979 came to be called. “Chernobyl” ejected 30% of one 192-ton, three-month old reactor core. That’s 57.6 radioactive tons thrown into the air by fire and explosions.
Startling NHK Image of Japanese Television

Startling NHK Image of Japanese Television

The tiny radioactive and burning smoke particles have traveled around the world many times since 1979, killing an estimated one million people to date from radiation caused illnesses and cancers. This is according to Editor Dr Janette Sherman’s exhaustive and widely acclaimed book on 5,000 Chernobyl scientific papers recently published by the New York Academy of Sciences [1].
Fukushima Daiichi Equals 50 Plus Chernobyls

As Dr. Michio Kaku, a world renowned CUNY theoretical physicist pointed out on CNN March 18, 2011, Chernobyl involved one reactor and only 57.6 Tons of the reactor core went into the atmosphere. In dramatic contrast, the Fukushima Daiichi disaster immediately involved six reactors and IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency, a UN Agency) documented 2,800 Tons of highly radioactive old reactor cores.
Dr Michio Kaku, theoretical physicist FavStocks

Dr Michio Kaku, theoretical physicist FavStocks

Simple division tells us there are at least 48.6 Chernobyls in the burning old reactor cores pumping fiery isotopes into the Earth’s atmosphere. It is no stretch to say Fukushima Daiichi’s six reactors and the dry holding pools for old reactor cores are equal to more than 50 Chernobyl disasters.

Further clarification is needed, of course, and it is being worked out now by independent physicists. Note that the lethality of radioactive reactor cores goes up the first 250,000 years they are out of the reactor – not down.

Looking at the current Japanese meltdown as more than 50 Chernobyls is just the start. In addition, the fate of the four nearby reactors at Fukushima Daini is as yet unknown by the outside world. Working at the nearby reactors, only 10 km (6 miles away) is a quick, painful death sentence. They are inside the mandatory evacuation zone.

This much is known. All radioactive exposures are cumulative for each human, animal and plant. What’s more, mutated genetic codes are passed on to offspring forever. This means all Japanese and all Northern Hemisphere inhabitants are suffering internal radioactive contamination from Fukushima Daiichi reactors already.
Fukushima Equals 3,000 Billion Lethal Doses

Dr Paolo Scampa, a widely know EU Physicist, single handedly popularized the easily understood Lethal Doses concept. “Lethal Doses” is a world wide, well understood idea that strips Physics bare and offers a brilliant, understandable explanation for all the physics gobbledygook Intelligence agencies and their respective governments use to disguise the brutal truths of the Fukushima Daiichi Disaster.
Fukushima from 21,000 ft TKY

Fukushima from 21,000 ft TKY

Three thousand billion (3,000,000,000,000) Lethal Doses of Radiation means there are 429 Lethal Doses chasing each and every one of us on the planet, to put it in a nutshell. This is up from about 70 Billion Lethal Doses March 23, 2011. It is getting worse everyday without any intervention by the US and the other nuclear powers.

VeteransToday calls on the world’s nuclear powers to intervene sooner rather than later. It is up to the world’s only remaining Super Power, the United States, to get the Japan Reactor Disaster Intervention meeting officially underway.
The Fukushima Kill

The Fukushima Kill, already underway world wide, will certainly dwarf that of Chernobyl. All US Super Power President Obama’s delay does is increase the numbers of The Kill. That is a clear Choice. We call on President Obama to re-visit that Choice.

Further, the Genetic and DNA changing aspects of the radioactivity now in the air, spreading worldwide within a year, will spawn a grotesque new assortment of radiation-degraded mutants; both human and of other life forms.
USS Nautilus in 1955 surfacing www nautilus571 Website US Navy (converted) (converted) (converted)

USS Nautilus in 1955 surfacing www nautilus571 Website US Navy (converted) (converted) (converted)

Many of these creatures in the animal world will not survive long outside the womb, if carried to term. What’s more, future Human Genetic Mutants of ever-lower intelligence and greater, more grotesque physical deformities are the genetic legacy of Humanity forevermore. That is the new starting point for any rational and reality-based national or foreign policy.
What We Know Now about Fukushima

Here is what is known more than 75 days after six reactors at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Reactor Plant started a disastrous and lethal nuclear meltdown on March 11, 2011.

- March 11, 14:46, a One Million Kiloton Earthquake measuring 9.0 on the Richter Scale hammered Japan off-shore near the six Japanese reactors. The reactors attempted to shut down automatically when electronic sensors detected the earthquake. The huge earthquake dropped the reactors three feet, moved Japan 8 inches to the West and altered the tilt of the Axis of planet Earth.

- March 11, about 15:30, the giant Earthquake caused a tsunami up to 30 meters (98.4 Ft) high washed away all the fuel tanks for the reactors Emergency Generators and all the reactors’ outside electrical feeds. This was the Death Blow to the reactors.

The six Fukushima Daiichi reactors were dead in the water and their fate sealed. Without an external source of electricity for the water pumps and hot reactors, they are just so much radioactive scrap iron – good for nothing. The internal temperature of the reactors started climbing immediately.

- March 11, about 18:00, only two and a half hours later, multiple reactor cores started melting down as the reactors internal temperatures skyrocketed to the melting point of uranium and beyond – a measured 1,718 Deg C (3,124.4 Deg F) past the melting point.

Uranium melts at 1,132.2 Deg C (2,069.9 Deg F.) The internal reactor temperatures reached at least 2,850 Deg C, (5,162 Deg F.) The millions of 1 mm Uranium fuel pellets in the reactors and in the core pools had no defense at all without the powerful water pumps and billions of gallons of cooling water against those temperatures.

The Uranium pellets simply melted forming a white hot lava-like radioactive uranium isotope blob that was and probably still is super heated by the power of the uranium atom itself. The highly radioactive blob then burned through the graphite seals of the General Electric Mark 1 Reactor Control Rods at the bottom of the American submarine based reactor design of US Navy Admiral Hyman Rickover, now deceased.

General Electric copied the US Government financed Navy nuclear reactor design for many commercial nuclear reactors. The Radioactive Blobs trickled out of hundreds of control rod holes instead of melting together to form a single giant, highly radioactive, burning lava blob like that of Chernobyl.
The Solution, Then and Now, has Changed

World famous theoretical physicist Dr. Michio Kaku caught the world’s attention on a March 18, 2011 CNN broadcast when he suggested the Prime Minister of Japan immediately choose the “Chernobyl Option” for the Fukushima Daiichi General Electric reactors.

Kaku said the Japanese PM should order the Japanese Air Self Defense Force to bomb the reactors into submission with boron, sand, water and concrete like the Red Army did to kill the out-of-control Chernobyl reactor on orders of USSR President Gorbachev. Boron absorbs neutrons, the radioactive heart of the reactors.

The time for Dr. Kaku’s “Chernobyl Option” has passed. Multiple explosions destroyed the reactors and the swimming pools holding old reactor cores weeks ago. Hundreds to thousands of tons of burning highly radioactive reactor cores are scattered all over the Fukushima Daiichi site. The reactors are releasing as much as a Tepco (Tokyo Electric Power Company) measured 10 Quintillion (10,000 Trillion Bq) radioactive counts per hour of deadly radioactive smoke particles into the Earth’s atmosphere.

The invisible, killing Radioactive Smoke is already all over the Northern Hemisphere and everyone in it – each and every one – is radiologically contaminated. The scope of Dr. Kaku’s once brilliant former solution is unfortunately, now too small and ineffective.

Generally speaking, most Radiation cannot escape into the atmosphere if it is covered by water. Honshu, Japan is an island and the Pacific Ocean is conveniently located nearby.
US President Barack Obama, Official Portrait US Gov

US President Barack Obama, Official Portrait US Gov

Subsidence charges from multiple nuclear weapons buried by drilling rigs 500 ft (152.4 meters) below and inland of the string of six reactors must be engineered to slide the reactors into the sea. This method works best if there is igneous or volcanic rock behind the subsidence charges, to “bounce” the blast and pressure wave from and “push” the trashed reactors area of the beachfront into the sea.

Specially equipped submarines can then pick up the pieces of reactor cores from under water. The surface of the ocean blocks the escape of radiation. The submarines must work fast to limit killing more of the Earth’s Oceans.

Veterans Today calls on President Obama to authorize the disposal of the six reactors at sea and the collection of the deadly radioactive metals with submarines. We conclude there are no other options left.
The “Do Nothing Option”


The “Do Nothing Option” allows the deaths and maiming of many millions of people to rapidly proceed. Doing nothing, by default, allows the Fukushima Kill to ruthlessly continue unabated. Doing nothing is also not acceptable from a practical standpoint; because, Japan does not own the nuclear weapons to use themselves.

Nuke the reactors at Fukushima Daiichi right into the sea, Mr. President.

Sources and Notes:
It is 76 days since the Fukushima Daiichi Disaster:
From and including: Friday, March 11, 2011
To and including: Tuesday, May 24, 2011
It is 75 days from the start date to the end date, end date included
Or 2 months, 14 days including the end date.

Chernobyl: Consequences of the Catastrophe for People and Nature, written by A. V. Yablokov, V. B. Nesterenko and A. V. Nesterenko, published by the New York Academy of Sciences in December 2009, translated and edited into a book by Dr. Janette Sherman. Dr. Sherman’s Website. http://janettesherman.com/about/
From Dr Sherman’s website: http://janettesherman.com/books/
“This is a collection of papers translated from the Russian with some revised and updated contributions. Written by leading authorities from Eastern Europe, the volume outlines the history of the health and environmental consequences of the Chernobyl disaster. Although there has been discussion of the impact of nuclear accidents and Chernobyl in particular, never before has there been a comprehensive presentation of all the available information concerning the health and environmental effects of the low dose radioactive contaminants, especially those emitted from the Chernobyl nuclear power plant. Official discussions from the International Atomic Energy Agency and associated United Nations’ agencies (e.g. the Chernobyl Forum reports) have largely downplayed or ignored many of the findings reported in the Eastern European scientific literature and consequently have erred by not including these assessments.”
To Order Click Here

“Meltdowns also likely occurred at No. 2, No. 3 reactors of Fukushima plant,” Asahi, Japanese newspaper, May 18, 2011,
Picture of The Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant seen from about 38 kilometers west of the facility and at an altitude of 7,300 meters (Eiji Hori)

Press Release (May 15,2011), “The Reactor Core Status of Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Station Unit 1,” TEPCO (The Tokyo Electric Power Company. http://www.tepco.co.jp/en/press/corp-com/release/11051509-e.html
Attachment:Tokyo Electric Power Company: Reactor Core Status of Fukushima
Daiichi Nuclear Power Station Unit 1 (PDF 92.6KB)

“Power company says smoke spotted at another Japanese nuclear plant,” March 30, 2011, By the CNN Wire Staff, http://articles.cnn.com/2011-03-30/world/japan.daini_1_nuclear-power-plant-turbine-building-cooling-system?_s=PM:WORLD
Ecological Development Biology: Intergrating Epigenetics, Medicine and Evolution Scott F. Gilbert and David Epel, December 2008, 459 pages, 182 illustrations, Sinauer

10,000 terabecquerels from Tepco Press Release in Koyodo News. tera is a trillion, 10,000 trillion = 10 Quintillion.

Sunday, May 08, 2011

Let's Talk About Jewishness


Let Us Talk About Jewishness
by Gilad Atzmon


One of the main differences between my work and and the writings of other humanists within the peace movement is that I am willing to move beyond the political discussion -- I dig into the ideological and philosophical roots of the Jewish state, Jewish politics and Jewish identity politics. I look into the meaning of 'Jewishness.'

In my work I clearly identify a continuum between Israel and 'Jewish ideology' ('Jewishness'). And since Israel defines itself as the Jewish State, then suhttp://www.blogger.com/img/blank.gifrely --we must be brave enough to question what Jewishness stands for.

And clearly, Israelis are proud about their Jewishness -- They are far from being shy about it all.

In the following video Judeo-Centric Israeli Law Professor Ruth Gavison spreads some Jewish Tribal ideas at AIPAC conference.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GrpClg2Tn4A




If you fail to understand what motivates the Israeli pilots to drop bombs on civilians from aeroplanes decorated with Jewish symbols, law professor Gavison provides the answer;

â€Å“Israel will do whatever it takes to remain a Jewish state for as long as it takes.”

If you ask yourself, how is it that 94% of Israeli Jews supported the IDF genocidal measures at the time of Operation Cast Lead, then Gavison may have some insights to offer.

â€Å“The Jewishness of Israel is the meaning of which the state of Israel is enabling Jews for the first time in many years, to take control of all aspects of their lives”

They certainly do: Israeli brutality is beyond comparison.

Gavison concludes, â€Å“Israel is the place where Jewish and Hebrew culture is the majority culture; this is the meaning of the Jewishness of Israel”

We have to agree with the Law Professor -- Hebrew culture is, indeed, a majority culture in Israel -- because the indigenous people of the land are locked behind walls in open air prisons.

If Israel is the meaning of Jewishness, and vice versa, Jews do have a serious ethical problem to deal with. 
Gilad Atzmon
www.gilad.co.uk
www.myspace.com/giladatzmon
www.jazzaproductions.squarespace.com

Artie Fischel and the Promised Band


What Are They Afraid of?
by Gilad Atzmon

UK Zionist network, together with half a dozen Sayanim* within the Jewish Palestinian solidarity network, seem to be strongly united this week.

http://soundcloud.com/gilad-atzmon/lipstick-artie-fishel-and-the-promised-band

Acting as a joint effort, they are trying to stifle freedom of speech: they seem to be horrified by the idea that a panel of intellectuals, journalists and an artist plan to explore the intriguing bond between Israel, Zionism and ‘Jewishness’, and thus far they have harassed panelists, threatened an academic institute and have spread lies, smears and defamation.

And yet in doing so they have unwittingly provided us with a tremendous glimpse into a contemporary Jewish secular tribal operation.

And what is at the root of their hysteria? For some peculiar reason, both Zionists and UK Jewish so-called ‘anti Zionists’, insist that discussing ‘Jewishness’ is a taboo which should never be explored, certainly not in public, and definitely never outside of the ghetto.

But isn’t it all just more than a little suspicious? After all, please consider that the Jewish ‘anti Zionists’ operate politically under a Jewish banner; they also clearly carry their Jewish identity with pride; and, like the ‘Jews only state’, they also run a ‘Jews only club’ -- yet they want to try to stop us from questioning what this club actually stands for. They want to take it further and even try to stop us from discussing and grasping what the Jewishness of Israel is all about.

Why are they so concerned about others questioning their ideology, an identity which they themselves are clearly and openly so proud of?

Is it that we are not allowed to question ideologies and political precepts? Should we, then, also have stopped Max Weber from looking into the role of Protestantism in the context of the rise of capitalism? And if Israel proudly defines itself as the Jewish State, then are we not entitled to also wonder what its Jewishness actually means?

And shouldn’t we also be entitled to refer the exact same questions to the UK Jewish ‘anti Zionists’?

It seems clear to me that we do have that right to know.

A few years ago I invented a spoof character. His name was Artie Fishel. Artie was a satirical, fictional Jewish American musician, a rabid Zionist, convinced that jazz was Jewish. He believed that jazz music also had nothing to do with America or Africa. He wanted it back, and thus founded ‘Artie Fishel & The Promised Band’.

Artie Fishel was obviously a parody of the Zionist enterprise: if we can take Palestine from the Arabs, then surely we can take jazz from the Americans.

To listen to Artie click here

The Jewish ‘anti Zionists’ here in the UK were the first to oppose the project. The first night on the road, we played in Nottingham. As the gig finished, a 'Jewish progressive' promoter (who was and still is a friend of mine) approached us. She stood there with tears in her eyes : “Everything you say is so true; but why do you have to share it with the Goyim,” she said, in a broken voice.

She wasn’t amused by the satirical Artie.

We realised that we must have touched a sensitive nerve.

Jewish humour is based on self mockery; yet it is very clear to Jews where the boundaries of mockery are. Jewish comedians know where to stop. To a certain extent Jewish humour is a very sophisticated form of ‘discourse management.' It is there to define the template of self-reflection. In some regards, it openly admits to a certain level of Jewish cultural essentialism; but it insists that such a phenomena is nothing but charming.

Sadly enough though, I myself do not really find the Jewish State a ‘charming concept’: I cannot see what is so charming about a society that collectively supports carpet bombardment of civilians**.

I also fail to see what is so charming about relentless Jewish lobbying. And when I look at the reality of Jewish political dissidence here in the UK; and when I read about Jewish campaigners harassing a fellow Palestinian academic or solidarity activists ( in the ‘name of Palestine’ no less ) it really begins to make me feel sick.

I often ask myself : what is it that they are so afraid of ? Why are they so desperate to stop us from looking into the meaning of their flag?

I can think of two possible answers:

1. It could be that they may not even know themselves what their ‘Jewishness’ stands for -- but they are certainly clever enough to grasp that they had better not find out: they clearly realise that the concept may turn out to be a 'Pandora box'. Such an answer is consistent with Judaic teaching, for in Judaism, observance is primary; comprehension is secondary. In other words, Judaism demands blind acceptance.

2. It could also be that they know very well what ‘Jewishness’ means, yet they know how sinister it may look for the outsider. Hence they use different tactics, just to stop the rest of us from looking into it. If that is the case, such an answer might mean that their apparent attempt to stifle a debate may be inherent to their conception of ‘Jewishness’.

Yet, considering the crimes that are committed by the Jewish state, and considering the measures that are taken by some elements within the Jewish ‘anti Zionist’ network, the time is clearly overdue for us to look into the true meaning of Jewish ideology -- what does it stand for; what does it preach; what does it promise, and essentially, what does it insist to take away from us (namely, freedom of speech and expression)?

But here is the good news : it is apparent that many Jews, and even Jewish spiritual leaders are now breaking away from the Jewish ‘left’ in order to find a meaningful path into true universal empathy as equal and ordinary human beings. I know that is the case, because they ask to meet me. I know, because they talk to me. I know, because they ask questions, rather than repeating ready-made answers.

And most of all I know because I myself left the ghetto many years ago and I see them trying to do the same.

Panel Event: Zionism, Jewishness and Israel

http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=160038250722935

Time: Tuesday, May 3 · 6:30pm - 8:30pm

Location: University Of Westminster - Cavendish Campus

A panel discussion examining Israeli Criminality in the wake of the Goldstone Retract.

Alan Hart, Gilad Atzmon and others


* Sayanim- Diaspora Jews subservient to Israeli interests. Ex-Mossad agent Victor Ostrovsky describes how Sayanim function in “By Way Of Deception”. ‘They are usually reached through relatives in Israel… They perform many different roles. A car Sayan, for example, running a rental car agency, could help the Mossad rent a car without having to complete the usual documentation. An apartment Sayan would find accommodation without raising suspicions, a bank Sayan could fund someone in the middle of the night if needs be, a doctor Sayan would treat a bullet wound without reporting it to the police.’


** At the time of Operation Cast Lead (2008-9), Israeli polls showed that 94 per cent of Israel's Jewish population backed the war and IDF tactics.

Thursday, March 31, 2011

Atomic Apologia

Seven Double Standards
Posted on March 31, 2011 by George

http://www.monbiot.com/2011/03/31/seven-double-standards/


Why don’t we judge other forms of energy generation by the standards we apply to nuclear power?


By George Monbiot. Published on the Guardian’s website, 31st March 2011

The accusations have been so lurid that I had to read my article again to reassure myself that I hadn’t written the things that so many of my correspondents say I had. So, before I begin the counter-attack, here’s what I didn’t say about nuclear power.

I did not claim that there is no alternative to atomic energy, or any such thing. Nor did I suggest that it should replace renewables, or produce any higher proportion of our electricity than it does already. But I did point out that most of the countries that might abandon nuclear power are likely to replace it not with renewables but with fossil fuel, and that this is a major change for the worse. Mark Lynas has shown how phasing out planned nuclear programmes in a number of countries as a result of the Fukushima disaster could add another degree to global warming. Chris Goodall estimates that if the planned construction of new nuclear power stations in the UK stalls in response to the crisis, the result will be an increase of 9 million tonnes of carbon dioxide for every year we delay.

Replacing current nuclear generation when the power stations reach the end of their lives is a tough decision. So is not replacing it. Not replacing it is a decision to do one of two things:

A. To switch to coal or gas, which means greatly increasing the rate of industrial deaths and injuries, levels of pollution and the impacts of climate change.

B. To add even more weight to the burden that must be carried by renewables.

Response A is far more likely, and appears to be taking place already: for example in Germany.

Like most environmentalists, I want renewables to replace fossil fuel, but I realise we make the task even harder if they are also to replace nuclear power.

I’m not saying, as many have claimed, that we should drop our concerns about economic growth, consumption, energy efficiency and the conservation of resources. Far from it. What I’m talking about is how we generate the electricity we will need. Given that, like most greens, I would like current transport and heating fuels to be replaced with low-carbon electricity, it’s impossible to see, even with maximum possible energy savings, how the electricity supply can do anything other than grow. All the quantified studies I have seen, including those produced by environmental organisations, support this expectation. Ducking the challenge of how it should be produced is not an option.

Nor have I changed my politics (and nor for that matter am I an undercover cop, a mass murderer, a eugenicist or, as one marvellous email suggested, “the consort of the devil”). In fact it’s surprising how little the politics of energy supply change with the mass-generation technology we choose. Whether or not there is a nuclear component, we are talking about large corporations building infrastructure, generating electricity and feeding it into the grid. My suspicion of big business and my belief that it needs to be held to account remain unchanged.

Nor is the Fukushima crisis anything other than horrible: dangerous, traumatic and disruptive. I’m urging perspective, not complacency.

OK, that’s the record-setting done. Now for the counter-attack. Here is a list of what I believe are the double-standards that some of us who have opposed nuclear power (I include myself in this) have used when arguing against it.

Double Standard 1: Deaths and Injuries.

We rightly lament the horrible consequences of industrial exposure to radiation. Two workers at Fukushima have so far received radiation burns and 17 have been exposed to levels of radiation considered unsafe. This is and should be a cause for serious concern. It is also worth remembering that no one has yet received a dose of radiation that is known to be lethal as a result of the Fukushima disaster. But if we are concerned about industrial injuries, why do we say nothing about the deaths and injuries in the industry most likely to replace nuclear power?

In China alone, the government estimates that 2,433 people died in coal mining accidents last year. That’s not injuries or exposures. It’s deaths. Human rights activists believe that official figures might have been underestimated by a factor of four.

What this means is that, in the normal course of operations, at least 6 people are killed in Chinese coal mines every day. Even if you accept the official figure, Chinese coal mining alone kills as many people every week as the worst nuclear power accident in history – the Chernobyl explosion – has done in 25 years.

And this is to say nothing of the far larger number of injuries that coal mining inflicts, in particular the hideous lung diseases which plague so many miners and cause long, lingering and terrible deaths. When was the last time you heard an anti-nuclear campaigner drawing attention to this daily carnage? No really, when was it?

Double Standard 2: The Science.

We emphasise, when debating climate change, the importance of the scientific consensus, and reliance on solid, peer-reviewed studies. As soon as we start discussing the dangers of low-level radiation, we abandon that and endorse the pseudo-scientific gibberish of a motley collection of cranks and quacks, who appear to have begun with the assumption that it must be killing thousands of people every year, and retrofitted the evidence to match it.

Such people exist in every field, especially those that are politically contentious. We should, by now, have learnt to be wary of them. But it seems that the temptation, for people hoping to make the case against nuclear power, is overwhelming.

For a good summary of the scientific consensus on the effects of exposure to both high and low levels of radiation, see the new post by Chris Goodall and Mark Lynas: two environmentalists who have kept their heads in this crisis.

Double Standard 3: Radioactive Pollution

If low-level radiation really was the problem that some environmentalists say it is, the focus of their campaign should be coal plants, not nuclear power. As Scientific American notes:

“the fly ash emitted by a power plant—a by-product from burning coal for electricity—carries into the surrounding environment 100 times more radiation than a nuclear power plant producing the same amount of energy.”

This is because coal contains trace amounts of uranium and thorium, which are concentrated in the ash. Not only does this expose people living around coal plants to higher doses of radiation than people living around nuclear plants receive; but the regulations for disposing of fly ash are far weaker than the regulations for disposing of low-level nuclear waste. You may remember the controversy about RWE npower’s plan to dump the fly ash from Didcot power station into a lake between the villages of Radley and Abingdon. Where were the anti-nuclear campaigners then? Can you imagine what the outcry would have been if a corporation had planned to fill it with low-level waste from a nuclear plant?

Double Standard 4: Mining Impact

Anti-nuclear campaigners emphasise the damage and pollution inflicted by uranium mines. They are right to do so. Some of these mines are hideous, and they are one of the many reasons why we should urgently develop new reactor technologies which sharply reduce the need for fresh supplies. But the impacts of coal mining are massively greater. There are hundreds of times more coal mines than uranium mines, including opencast sites, and a lot of them of them are many times bigger and more destructive than the largest uranium operations. This doesn’t make uranium mining right, but it makes the likely switch to coal even more wrong.

Double Standard 5: Costs

One of the most frequent arguments against nuclear power is that it costs too much. Many environmentalists claim that, when all the hidden costs, especially the massive decommissioning liabilities, are taken into account, electricity from atomic plants could cost as much as 5p per kilowatt hour or even more. The highest figure I have come across was the top end of the range of estimates produced by the New Economics Foundation – 8.3p. If this is correct – and I should emphasise that it’s an extreme outlier – it suggests that nuclear is an extravagant means of generating low-carbon electricity.

So why do the same people support a feed-in tariff scheme under which we pay 41p per kilowatt hour for rooftop solar electricity?


Double Standard 6: Research

Last week I argued about these issues with Caroline Lucas. Caroline is one of my heroes, and the best thing to have happened to Parliament since time immemorial. But this doesn’t mean that she can’t be wildly illogical when she chooses. When I raised the issue of the feed-in tariff, she pointed out that the difference between subsidising nuclear power and subsidising solar power is that nuclear is a mature technology and solar is not. In that case, I asked, would she support research into thorium reactors, which could provide a much safer and cheaper means of producing nuclear power? No, she told me, because thorium reactors are not a proven technology. Words fail me.


Double Standard 7: Timing

Anti-nuclear campaigners point out that it takes ten years or so to build a new nuclear power station, and we haven’t got that long, if we are serious about preventing climate breakdown. They are of course quite right: it’s too little, too late. But the same problem affects every significant move to decarbonise the energy supply. By the time it has gone through the planning process, a major new grid connection to support an offshore wind farm will take roughly as long to develop as a new nuclear power station. The same goes for the pumped storage facilities required to support a largely renewable power system and for the carbon capture and storage required to reduce the impacts of fossil fuels. As for growing trees …

My point is that we have to take responsibility for every component of our energy supply and the consequences it carries; not just the section of it that’s produced by nuclear reactors. And we should apply the same standards to all generating technologies. Otherwise, in the name of reducing risks to people and the planet, we will unwittingly increase them.

www.monbiot.com

Sunday, March 27, 2011

Cermaq Sues Salmon Farming Activist Org.


Mainstream Canada begins legal proceedings against Don Staniford
source: Cermaq

Mainstream Canada has begun legal proceedings against Mr. Don Staniford and his organization The Global Alliance Against Industrial Aquaculture, for defamatory statements that have been made regarding the company’s fish farming operations. Mainstream and Cermaq views his statements as false and misleading.
Source: http://www.gaaia.org/press-releases

The statements made by Mr. Staniford (illustration) are a direct attack on Mainstream Canada’s and parent company Cermaq’s reputations as responsible company engaged in sustainable aquaculture.

- For a number of years certain environmental activists in British Columbia, Canada, have been attacking our company and the industry with false and misleading statements. We have a responsibility towards our employees, that is why Mainstream Canada is acting now, says Lise Bergan, Corporate Affairs Director of Cermaq

-Our employees are working hard every day ensuring responsible aquaculture. We adhere to strict regulations and our company code of conduct. Comparing fish farming with cancer is an offence to all our employees, but also disrespectful to all those who suffer from cancer, comments Lise Bergan.

Statements made by Mr. Staniford have gone beyond logic and defy the conclusions of many well respected researchers and third party experts who have documented and reported on fish farming practices and their impact on individuals, the environment or other industries.

Mr. Staniford’s intention seems to be to frighten and convince consumers to turn away from eating farmed salmon. Contrary to his statements, the health benefits of eating fat fish like farmed salmon are broadly encouraged. The American Heart Association recommends eating fish at least two times (two servings) a week.

For Mainstream Canada this is not only a question of protecting our reputation, but an obligation to employees, and to their partners like suppliers, the communities where Mainstream operates and Mainstream’s First Nations partners. The objective of Mainstream and Cermaq is a business environment where issues are discussed with fair arguments based on knowledge, and not a situation where individuals or organizations such as Mr. Staniford‘s obstruct with defamatory actions.
24.03.2011

GAAIA

Thanks to BCEN you can now read online GAAIA's letter to Cermaq and the Norwegian Ministry of Trade and Industry (who are the largest shareholders in Cermaq - which owns Mainstream Canada and EWOS Canada):

Letter to Cermaq and Norwegian Ministry of Trade & Ownership from GAAIA (23rd March):
http://www.ecobc.org/~DOCUMENTS/Documents_2011/To_Norway_Staniford.pdf

Notice of Civil Claim by Cermaq (23rd March):
http://msc.khamiahosting.com/sites/default/files/Staniford_Notice%20of%20Civ il%20Claim.pdf

Reminds me of a line from the film Braveheart: "I'd say that was rather less cordial than he was used to"

British Columbian Environmental Network, 26th March 2011


Cermaq, a conglomerate of companies with activities in fish farming, production of salmonid feed and research in aquaculture, claims Staniford motivated by ideology. Threatened lawsuit letter: Download.
letter_18th_March.pdf>

http://www.ecobc.org/%7EDOCUMENTS/Documents_2011/Don_Staniford_free_speech.jpg


Invokes defense of Mother Earth in response to Fish Farm suit for defamation

Read response

by Global Alliance Against Industrial Aquaculture to Norwegian Government and Industry

"Salmon farming, like smoking, seriously damages public health, our environmental health and the health of wild salmon...the smoking gun of the Cohen Inquiry in Canada is primed to pull the trigger on damning details of how Norwegian-owned salmon farms are spreading infectious diseases to wild salmon".

"GAAIA finds it particularly curious that Cermaq chooses to fight the fact that "Salmon Farming Spreads Disease" when data sourced from Cermaq's own farms and peer-reviewed scientific papers co-authored by EWOS/Cermaq staff support GAAIA's position. "

http://ecobc.org/


The Straight, 25th March 2011

Norwegian-owned B.C. fish-farm company sues salmon activist

http://www.straight.com/files/imagecache/wide_article/images/wide/WEB_Don_St
aniford_110325.jpg

Mainstream Canada seeks injunction against claims by Scottish industrial-aquaculture foe
By Martin Dunphy
, March 25, 2011


Online comments about salmon farming land environmentalist in court http://www.mainstreamcanada.com/mainstream-canada-begins-legal-proceedings-a
gainst-mr-don-staniford

web-site: http://www.gaaia.org

Notes to Editors:

[1] In reply to a letter dated 18th March 2011 from Cermaq's lawyers, GAAIA sent a letter dated 23rd March addressed to Geir Isaksen (CEO, Cermaq); Trond Giske (Norwegian Minister of Trade and Industry); Mette Wikborg (Director General, Ownership Department, Norwegian Ministry of Trade and Industry); Kjell Bjordal (Managing Director, EWOS) and King Harald IV of Norway


http://www.nrk.no/nyheter/distrikt/nrk_trondelag/1.6736705

A copy of a letter sent to the King of Norway in 2010 is also available via:

http://www.georgiastrait.org/files/King-Harald-Letter-Jan10.pdf

[2] "Smoke on the Water, Cancer on the Coast" will be published soon via
http://www.gaaia.org/smoke-water

Global Alliance Against Industrial Aquaculture, 24th March 2011
Salmon Farming Kills Free Speech!

- Norwegian Government abuses the Canadian Court system to crush criticism

fino, British Columbia - The Global Alliance Against Industrial Aquaculture (GAAIA) is fighting a lawsuit being threatened by the Norwegian Government via the Norwegian-owned company Cermaq (which operates in Canada via Mainstream and EWOS). GAAIA will strongly defend itself from any legal threats from the Norwegian Government and litigation which seeks to expand Norwegian-owned salmon farming in British Columbia in particular. GAAIA is campaigning to stop the farming of alien Atlantic salmon in the pristine waters of the Pacific by Norwegian-owned companies (Cermaq, Marine Harvest and Grieg Seafood) who now control 92% of BC salmon farms.

"Bring it on!" said Don Staniford, global coordinator for GAAIA. "Where there's smoke there's fire or as they say in showbusiness 'where there's a hit, there's a writ'. GAAIA relishes the opportunity to prove in court that 'Salmon Farming Kills'. Cermaq are blowing smoke and are all smoke and mirrors when it comes to their claims of 'sustainable aquaculture'.

Norwegian companies may have a monopoly on salmon farming but the Norwegian Government does not have a monopoly on the truth. Salmon farming, like smoking, seriously damages public health, our environmental health and the health of wild salmon. For the sake of our global ocean we need to quit salmon farming now and stub out farmed salmon from the face of the blue planet".

In response to the threat of legal action from Cermaq, GAAIA yesterday fired off a smoking hot letter to Cermaq, the Norwegian Government and the King of Norway [1]. GAAIA will be seeking to file a private prosecution and other legal remedies against the Norwegian Government and Cermaq. GAAIA will soon be publishing a new report 'Smoke on the Water, Cancer on the Coast' lifting the lid on the can of worms that is the Norwegian-owned global salmon farming industry [2].

"Put that in your pipe and smoke it Geir Isaksen (CEO of Cermaq) and Trond Giske (Norwegian Minister of Trade and Industry)!" said Staniford. "Norwegian-owned companies have blood on their hands and are responsible for the deaths of millions of salmon, hundreds of marine mammals as well as even their own workers. Cermaq's disease-ridden feedlots have left a trail of tragedy in their wake especially in Chile and in British Columbia where they are spreading infectious diseases around the Clayoquot Sound UNESCO Biosphere Reserve, the Broughton Archipelago and the Wild Salmon Narrows.

Even more alarmingly, the smoking gun of the Cohen Inquiry in Canada is primed to pull the trigger on damning details of how Norwegian-owned salmon farms are spreading infectious diseases to wild salmon".

GAAIA finds it particularly curious that Cermaq chooses to fight the fact that "Salmon Farming Spreads Disease" when data sourced from Cermaq's own farms and peer-reviewed scientific papers co-authored by EWOS/Cermaq staff support GAAIA's position. GAAIA yesterday wrote to the Canadian Fisheries Minister on the ISA issue in particular.

"The Norwegian Government - who are the largest shareholder and controlling interest in Cermaq - must not be allowed to get away with murder in British Columbia, Chile, Scotland and at home in Norway," said Staniford. "Is the Cermaq Board of Directors and Cermaq shareholders, including the Minister of Trade and Industry, fully aware of the potential implications of the disease problem in Canada on not just the health of wild salmon stocks but also the health of Cermaq's stocks? Cermaq may be fuelled by billions of dollars of dirty Norwegian oil-money but GAAIA is armed with the sword of truth and shield of virtue and has GAIA, the goddess of Mother Earth, in our corner. Cermaq and the Norwegian Government - see you in court."

GAAIA is seeking to support shareholder resolutions at this year's Cermaq AGM (taking place in Oslo, Norway, on 11th May) calling for the resignation of CEO Geir Isaksen and the full and transparent public disclosure of disease records in Canada as well as Chile, Scotland and Norway.

A photo of Don Staniford handing a letter to the King of Norway in 2009 is
available above and online (with video) via:

http://www.nrk.no/nyheter/distrikt/nrk_trondelag/1.6736705

Also online as a news story in Canada via:
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/british-columbia/fish-farm-sues
-activist-for-defamation/article1955940/


In Norway (in English):
http://www.4-traders.com/CERMAQ-476705/news/CERMAQ-Mainstream-Canada-begins-
legal-proceedings-against-Don-Staniford-13588104/


In Norwegian: http://www.dagbladet.no/a/15943844/

Sunday, March 20, 2011

Unfinished: Waiting for Justice from Toronto's G20 Police Riot


Op-Ed: The Unfinished G20 Story
March 9th, 2011
by: Nathalie Des Rosiers, General Counsel, Canadian Civil Liberties Association
James Clancy, National Director, National Union of Public and General Employees

source

There are events in Canadian history that have become symbols of the fragility of our democratic rights: the internment of Japanese Canadians during the Second World War or the imposition of the War Measures Act, to name a few. In our view, the policing at the G20 Summit in Toronto last summer will be remembered as one of them.

We know that over 1105 people were arrested, that less than 100 charges are proceeding, that peaceful protests were violently dispersed, that thousands of people were searched, that some people were assaulted, detained for extended periods of time, denied their right to a lawyer or insulted . However, we still do not know why such conduct was allowed to take place and why the right to protest peacefully was not fully protected.

Vandalism is condemnable but it does not give the right to the police to unleash brutal treatment on other peaceful protesters. The right to peacefully protest is an integral part of a democratic order and is as important as the right to vote. The government and security responses to the exercise of freedom of peaceful assembly is a test of whether a government is a democracy or an autocracy, as events around the world demonstrate. Violent disruptions of peaceful protests are unacceptable no matter where they occur.

In November 2010, the National Union of Public and General Employees and the Canadian Civil Liberties Association held public hearings on the policing of the G20 Summit. The purpose of these hearings was not to replace the public inquiry which we absolutely need, but simply provide a space for people to tell their story and to raise awareness about what happened at the G20. Many people came to describe what they had seen, what they experienced or make suggestions for improvements to public order policing. Many people described how their rights to peaceful assembly were breached, how they witnessed police abuse and how they were left wondering why this happened. There is no doubt that the scale of civil rights violations goes beyond the actions of a few misbehaving police officers: hundreds of police officers removed their badges, many told protesters that martial law had been declared, that protesters no longer had any rights and that they could be held at the detention centre for as long as necessary. The failure to train police officers properly, to instruct them on the need to respect and protect the right to peaceful assembly, the misleading information about the Public Works Protection Act – all this need to be investigated properly.

A public inquiry is needed. Although many shiver at the thought of spending more money on an enterprise that has already cost more than one billion dollars for a three day event, not doing it will be more costly. The G20 security effort was multifaceted: it involved police officers and security efforts from many police forces, from different provinces and from both the federal and provincial police. This renders the accountability mechanisms that we have which are jurisdictionally bound ill-suited for the exercise. Although many processes are now under way, their scope is limited by the mandate that they have. No one can look fully at the interplay between the RCMP and the provincial and municipal forces, no one has the capacity to assess whether there were communications, training or leadership failures that led to the large-scale violations. A federal-provincial public inquiry is needed so that the full story is told. Canadians deserve to know what went wrong and whether it could have been avoided. If we do not get to the bottom of this issue, the lack of trust will linger on.

Trust in public institutions and in the police are essential to a well- adjusted society. When police officers misbehave, they hurt their victims, they hurt the people who witnessed the illegal behaviour, they hurt themselves and the institution of policing, and they hurt all of us because it is in our name that they carry out their powers of arrest and detention. Police brutality affects us all: it is a betrayal of the rule of law as people bound to maintain the law abuse it. A public inquiry is an investment in better policing for the future, in ensuring that the right people are blamed for what went wrong and not the police officers that acted appropriately. Not knowing why orders were given to disperse the people quietly sitting at Queen’s Park, not knowing why police officers pulled off Mr. Pruyn’s artificial leg, why they pushed and shoved many bystanders, why horses were called, why rubber bullets were fired, why people were kettled for hours not knowing what to do, why people were arrested with tasers in their face while they were in their pajamas, why fire trucks did not come to extinguish the cars on fire, why a group of vandals were left free to continue their destruction while close to 20,000 police officers were in town, not knowing what went wrong is a disservice to us all.

The G20 was a moment of truth for Canadian democracy. The response to the security displayed at the G20, like the War Measures Act forty years ago, will be a turning point for our democracy: either we will emerge with stronger democratic institutions, regulatory regimes, accountability frameworks and better policing , or we will have tolerated mass violations of civil liberties with callous indifference.

Wednesday, February 23, 2011

Patraeus Catches Gaddafi Disease: "They Killed and Burnt Their Own"

Here's a link to a telling article relating General David Petraeus' ultimate blaming of the victims, in which he points the finger for the murder of scores of Afghani women and children on their own. Cunning plan, no doubt.

http://news.antiwar.com/2011/02/21/petraeus-accuses-afghan-parents-of-burning-kids-to-make-us-look-bad/

Saturday, January 22, 2011

ANIMAL ADVOCATES CALL ON UBC TO HALT BRUTAL EXPERIMENTS ON MONKEYS

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE


Leading international authority on animal experiments joins Stop UBC Animal Research in campaign against UBC's research on non-human primates

VANCOUVER (January 10, 2010) – Today, the British Union for the Abolition of Vivisection (BUAV), one of the world's leading authorities on animal research issues, joined the Vancouver group, Stop UBC Animal Research (STOP), in calling on the University of British Columbia (UBC) to end its brutal experiments on monkeys. The London-based BUAV and STOP discovered that UBC researchers were subjecting monkeys to electric shocks to induce seizures, blinding monkeys by severing their optic nerves and causing painful increases in pressure within the animals' eyes, and inserting tubes into the abdomens of pregnant monkeys to inject foreign material into their fetuses to cause kidney damage. The fetuses were later killed. The animal advocates said it is likely the monkeys felt "pain and terror" during some of the experiments.

"British Columbians need to ask themselves if they are really willing to close their eyes to the torment and despair suffered by these animals, let alone to fund this type of research through their tax dollars and charitable donations," said Anne Birthistle, an investigator for Stop UBC Animal Research who helped uncover UBC's experiments on monkeys. "How do we teach our children compassion when we force animals to endure a life of traumatic use in a laboratory? We have to demand that new, cutting-edge scientific techniques be used and relegate to the past these experiments UBC finds too shameful to fully disclose to the public," Birthistle said.

A BUAV veterinarian, along with STOP, who reviewed the UBC studies found that:

*Six rhesus macaques were deliberately given electric shocks. Electrodes were applied to their heads through which the shocks were given, apparently to cause seizures. For this the monkeys were only given a sedative and a drug to paralyze them. There was no mention of pain relief. The sedative would not cause complete loss of consciousness and inability to feel and, therefore, the concern is whether they were capable of feeling pain and terror. Because they were paralyzed, they would not have been able to show outward signs of suffering. The animals were also subjected to the unpleasant consequences of repeated doses of anesthesia. There is no mention of what happened to the monkeys.

*Six rhesus macaques were deliberately blinded in one eye by cutting the optic nerve and allowed to live after this brutal mutilation. A second group of monkeys had one eye deliberately damaged by laser to cause a painful increase in pressure known as glaucoma. The animals were allowed to survive this surgery and kept alive, without pain medication, for weeks before being killed.

*Three pregnant rhesus macaques were used, probably off-campus at a facility in the US. A tube was inserted into the abdomen of the monkeys and then into the fetus where harmful particles were injected into the kidneys to cause damage. A few weeks before the fetuses would have been born, the mothers were subjected to abdominal surgery, the fetuses then removed and killed after which tissues were collected.

"Non-human primates are highly intelligent and sensitive animals. It is unacceptable that they should be subjected to such shockingly cruel and invasive experiments," said Dr. Nedim Buyukmihci, Emeritus Professor of Veterinary Medicine at the University of California-Davis and Veterinary Consultant to the BUAV. "Moreover, despite the suffering and tragic loss of life, the findings in the monkeys are not relevant to humans. Elegant and sophisticated methods exist currently to study, in an ethical manner, human patients in an effort to gain knowledge that will be of benefit to them," Buyukmihci said.

Though some of the experiments were performed by UBC researchers off the university’s campus, STOP and BUAV said the university was sanctioning cruel, invasive, and ultimately, lethal procedures. The organizations also said the experiments are not only unethical, but the researchers are vainly attempting to artificially induce in the monkeys simple symptoms of what are complicated diseases and conditions in humans. The groups said UBC should instead be focusing on non-animal methods that are not only humane, but are also far more applicable and relevant to humans.


RESOURCES:
To obtain copies of the published papers referenced in the above release, as well as a more detailed analysis of UBC’s primate research, contact Stop UBC Animal Research at 605-551-3324 or at stopubcanimalresearch@gmail.com

Monday, December 13, 2010

B'Tselem Reports on Child Detainees in West Bank

source
December 2010, Information sheet

Caution: Children Ahead - The Illegal Behavior of the Police toward Minors in Silwan Suspected of Stone Throwing

An investigation conducted by B'Tselem shows that, during the past year (November 2009 to October 2010), at least 81 minors from Silwan have been arrested or detained for questioning, the vast majority on suspicion of stone throwing. The arrests and detentions followed confrontations between Palestinians and settlers in the neighborhood, where there is great tension resulting from the taking of control of houses and archeological sites by settlers.
javascript:void(0)

These confrontations intensified following the killing of Samer Sarhan, 32, a resident of Silwan, on 22 September 2010. Sarhan was shot to death by a security guard for the settlement, who contended he faced a life-threatening situation. From then until 31 October, at least 32 minors in Silwan were arrested.
Since Israel has imposed its law on East Jerusalem, the police are required to carry out their functions there in accordance with Israeli law. However, B'Tselem’s investigation indicates that the Jerusalem police repeatedly breached the law, and particularly the Youth Law, which grants minors extra rights in a criminal proceeding:

* Many arrests were made at night, by taking the minors from their beds and rushing them to interrogation at the Russian Compound, in most cases in order to obtain information on incidents that occurred a few days earlier.

* Often, the interrogators prevented the parents from being present during the interrogation, although their right to be present is enshrined in law.

* Many minors complained they were treated violently when they were taken from their home at night, and all the youths who gave testimonies to B'Tselem on their arrest by special forces reported severe violence at the time of arrest. Also, a few minors complained of violence and degradation while waiting to be interrogated at the Russian Compound. Their complaints of violence were disregarded or treated with scorn, and in the isolated cases in which the Department for the Investigation of Police opened an investigation, it was closed without any proceedings being taken against the persons responsible. B'Tselem knows of one case in which the investigation was carried out negligently, took a long time to complete, and did not include questioning of principal witnesses.

* The police detained for questioning four minors under age 12, which is the age of criminal responsibility, meaning they are not subject to criminal proceedings. In one of the cases B'Tselem documented, an eight-year-old child was taken from his bed in the middle of the night only because his name was identical to that of another child who was suspected of throwing stones.

The throwing of stones by Palestinian minors in East Jerusalem has been widespread and has intensified over the past year, with an especially sharp rise occurring in October 2010. Silwan, which lies at the foot of the Temple Mount, is a major focus of the confrontations between Palestinians and settlers, with both sides – Palestinians primarily – throwing stones.

The police are required to deal with the confrontations in the neighborhood, but this obligation does not justify systematic breach of the law. The police’s conduct toward Palestinian minors in Silwan reflects flagrant contempt for the special protections given them as minors.

B'Tselem urges the Jerusalem Police to observe the letter and spirit of the Youth Law while coping with stone-throwing incidents in East Jerusalem. The police must immediately end the arrest of minors at night and the use of violence by special forces during arrests. The police must also ensure that minors are interrogated only in the presence of their parents, and must emphasize options for the rehabilitation of the minors and for preventing injury to them.
The settlements Israel has built in East Jerusalem constitute a violation of international law. The settlement clusters in the heart of the Palestinian population in Silwan and other neighborhoods create tension and lead to a reality of constant confrontation between the two populations. These settlements should be removed immediately.


Full report, PDF
Children arrested in Silwan, October 2010
Prominent Children's Experts Call on Netanyahu to Intervene with Arrest Procedures of Minors in East Jerusalem
Background on East Jerusalem

Sunday, November 14, 2010

Gorilla Radio with Chris Cook, David Barsamian, Janine Bandcroft Monday Novermber 15th 2010

GR 05-76 101.9 FM 104.3 Cable 'cfuv.uvic.ca'
Monday November 15, 2010
5:00:00 3:00 Welcome to GR, etc. In 1986, while Ronald Reagan reigned havoc across Central America and elsewhere, and the people of America, buoyed by a complicit corporate media cheered Reaganomics, the undermining of the social contract grown out of the Great Depression and ruinous Second World War, David Barsamian's Alternative Radio, or AR took to the airwaves.

Dedicated, as its founding manifesto says, to the principles of public broadcasting, and programming that should and would [quote] "serve as a forum for controversy and debate," and to be and provide a [quote] "diverse voice for groups that may otherwise be unheard," AR was in short dedicated to everything Ronald Reagan and his large C-conservatives abhorred.

Nearly thirty-five years later, Ronald Reagan is dead, long-moldering underground, but the Next-Gen. of the conservative principles he propounded persist, if in a twisted and perverse form. Happily for we who oppose those principles, David Barsamian too abides yet, along with Alternative Radio.

David Barsamian is the multi-award winning director of AR, which airs weekly across North America and beyond, (including right here at CFUV every Wednesday afternoon at 1:00pm pacific time) and remains an entirely independent voice of reason and humanity, an island of sanity in a toss'd sea of shlock jocks, puerile morning "mad men," and aspiring dime store mass media demagogues.

He is co-author of numerous books, his collaborators some of the foremost thinkers and social justice activists of our time; like: Noam Chomsky, Howard Zinn, Arundhati Roy, Edward Said, Tariq Ali, and more. His latest books are 'What We Say Goes,' and Targeting Iran.'

David is the winner of the Media Education Award, the ACLU's Upton Sinclair Award for Independent Journalism, the Rocky Mountain Peace and Justice Award, and the Cultural Freedom Fellowship Award from the Lannan Foundation, and is recognized by the Institute of Alternative Journalism as one of its Top Ten Media Heroes.

David Barsamian also lectures across America and around the world, and best yet, he will be right here on the campus of the University of Victoria this Thursday, November 18th presenting in the David Lam Auditorium at 7pm.

David Barsamian and an alternative to (corporate) media in the first half.

And; the week past marked the observance of Remembrance Day here in Victoria, (Veteran's Day south of the 49th) and I went down to the memorial to the MacKenzie-Papineau Brigade, located off the main grounds of the Legislature, to remember those Canadians killed fighting the fascists in Spain during that country's calamitous civil war.

There I stood with the white-poppied peace activists who too hold this day in its original context, as a reminder of the promise that "Never Again" will violence and warfare be the preferred tools of failed diplomacy; if only it were so. Ape at the Mac.-Pap. memorial in the second half.

And; Victoria Street Newz publisher and CFUV broadcaster, Janine Bandcroft will join us at the bottom of the hour to bring us newz from the city's streets, and a follow-up on the attack on the mayor's house and property and that attack's aftermath.

But first, David Barsamian and keeping it alternative with Alternative Radio and more these past 36 years.

5:03:00 24:00 Discussion w/ David Barsamian

"Welcome back to the program, David; a check of my records tells me it is almost exactly seven years since we last spoke. Then you were celebrating the recent release of your book of conversations with the late Edward Said, and looking forward to the release of the 'The Chequebook and the Cruise Missile,' your collaboration with Arundhati Roy. As terrible a year as 2003 was, with the onset of America's war against Iraq, how do you rate it compared to today, 2010?"

Monday, November 01, 2010

Daily Kos GOTV: Why Arguments Against Voting Fail

http://www.dailykos.com/story/2010/11/1/915753/-Daily-Kos-GOTV:-Why-Arguments-Against-Voting-Fail
By David Swanson

One of the advantages of getting a master's degree in philosophy is not so much the mastery of anything but the experience of being encouraged to think things through while simultaneously being taught all sorts of nonsense that falls apart when you think it through. One day I was taught that there's no point in voting.

This was pretty basic science-envy from a discipline embarrassed to be found in the humanities. It was considered a mathematical point: your one vote could never decide an election, so there was no value to casting your one vote. Those who thought this through a little bit accepted that there might not be a value to your vote, but saw that there could be a value to all the actions you took before and after voting, including the example you set by going to the polling place and acting exactly as if you were going to vote. These actions could encourage more voting and more voting for your preferred candidates and initiatives. That encouragement could spread and become all-decisive.

But those who thought a little harder were forced to split with the scientistic rationality that started the whole discussion. If you were to behave exactly as if you were voting, then you would have to either actually vote exactly as you said you would, or you would have to become an excellent liar. And there is a value, of course, in not turning everyone into sociopathic deceivers, smart enough to put on appearances but too smart to actually follow through and take part in an activity and a duty shared with all and sundry.

Outside of academia I've heard a lot more reasons why voting makes no sense, amounting in essence to the notion that "it just encourages them." Now, I think activism apart from elections is even more important than elections and even more neglected. I think voting for the lesser evil can sometimes be a mistake. I think monitoring elections and conducting honest exit polls with which to check election tampering is just as important as casting your vote in our high-tech faith-based elections. I'm convinced that our election system is on its last legs, drowning in corporate money and propaganda, staggering into thuggery and fascism. But none of that presents a reason not to vote. In fact, failing to vote aggravates all such problems.

Sure, it makes no sense to vote just because people died for the right, if the right has become meaningless. Of course it's offensive to deify one candidate and demonize the other, picking sides as if you were joining a religion rather than choosing an elected representative. But there's a danger, just as in philosophy school, of being too smart for your own good. You don't have to hide the flaws in the candidate you choose to support. But you do have to support someone, and I'll tell you why.


a.. Because your activism, including in reforming the system, will be more powerful if you have voted.
b.. Because your monitoring of the fairness of the election must begin with voting in it.
c.. Because if the smart people do not vote, you know who that leaves to do the voting.
d.. Because only close elections can be plausibly stolen.
e.. Because there are enough good and decent people who fail to vote to swing every election in the best possible direction if even a fraction of them would turn out.
f.. Because there is a real value in not allowing things to get any worse than they have.
g.. Because elected officials will never believe you will vote them out if you don't vote.
h.. Because progress will not come from greater crisis but from greater space to maneuver in.
i.. Because if you think the Democrats made too many excuses when they had complete power and kept the filibuster rule in place by choice, you really don't want to see how things go when they don't have power.
j.. Because there's a Republican running for Congress in North Carolina who openly admits no regrets about shooting two innocent and unarmed people dead at point-blank range.
k.. Because our political events are turning violent and supporters of that violence are candidates for office.
l.. Because it's simply not true that "first they came for . . . " each group and no one spoke up; on the contrary, FIRST they were elected.
m.. Because whatever you think is more important than voting (I can think of 1,000 things) you'll have more success getting people to work on those things if you can honestly tell them that you voted.
n.. Because offering neighbors a ride to the polls can enrich your life.
o.. Because it's much more fun to complain about things together than it is at home alone.
p.. Because if you get five friends to vote and they get five friends to vote and so on, we will all be able to enjoy the immense satisfaction and hilarity of watching all the TV talking heads explain how all their predictions were wrong.


David Swanson is author of the forthcoming book "War Is A Lie," http://warisalie.org You can watch his election commentary on Tuesday on Free Speech TV.

David Swanson is the author of "Daybreak: Undoing the Imperial Presidency and Forming a More Perfect Union"

http://davidswanson.org

http://warisacrime.org

http://facebook.com/pages/David-Swanson/297768373319

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Sunday, October 17, 2010

The Ruling on Galloway Entrance to Canada

Federal Court
Cour fédérale
Date: 20100927
Docket: IMM-1474-09
Citation: 2010 FC 957
Ottawa, Ontario, September 27, 2010
PRESENT: The Honourable Mr. Justice Mosley

BETWEEN:

THE TORONTO COALITION TO STOP THE WAR, THE OTTAWA PEACE ASSEMBLY, THE SOLIDARITY FOR PALESTINIAN HUMAN RIGHTS, GEORGE GALLOWAY, JAMES CLARKE, YAVAR HAMEED, HAMID OSMAN, KRISNA SARAVANAMUTTU, CHARLOTTE IRELAND, SID LACOMBE, JUDITH DEUTSCH, JOEL HARDEN, DENIS LEMELIN, and LORRAINE GUAY

Applicants

and

THE MINISTER OF PUBLIC SAFETY AND EMERGENCY PREPAREDNESS and THE MINISTER OF CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION

Respondents and THE CANADIAN CIVIL LIBERTIES ASSOCIATION

Intervenor

REASONS FOR JUDGMENT AND JUDGMENT

Introduction

[1] As framed by the applicants, this is an application for judicial review pursuant to section 72 of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, S.C. 2001, c. 27 (IRPA), of a decision made by the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration and the Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness that the applicant, George Galloway, was inadmissible to Canada. The decision, the applicants submit, was communicated by a letter dated March 20, 2009, to Mr. Galloway, from Robert J. Orr, Immigration Program Manager of the Canadian High Commission in London, United Kingdom.



[2]The other applicants are groups and individuals who were involved in bringing Mr. Galloway to Canada for a speaking tour. They wished to hear Mr. Galloway express his views in person at the several venues in Canada at which he was scheduled to speak in March and April, 2009. His topics related to the wars in Iraq and in Afghanistan and to the situation in the Palestinian territories.

[3]The applicants assert that Mr. Galloway was “barred from Canada” because of the respondents’ opposition to his political views. They contend that the decision to declare him inadmissible was biased, made in bad faith and constituted an abuse of executive power for purely political reasons.

[4] The respondents submit that whether they approve of Mr. Galloway’s political beliefs or not is legally irrelevant because his admissibility was legitimately evaluated on the basis of his own actions and in accordance with the relevant legislation. They say there is no evidence of bad faith, bias or a breach of fairness in the performance of their public duties. Moreover, they submit, no legally reviewable decision to exclude Mr. Galloway was in fact made.

[5]I agree with the respondents that as a matter of law this application must be dismissed. As a result of the respondents’ actions, Mr. Galloway may have been found to be inadmissible to Canada had he actually presented himself for examination to an officer at an airport or a border crossing. That did not happen. A preliminary assessment prepared by the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA), at the request of the respondents’ political staff, concluded that Mr. Galloway was inadmissible. The steps taken by the respondents’ departments to implement that assessment were never completed. Mr. Galloway made the decision not to attempt to enter Canada because he might be detained. Thus, the respondents’ intentions and actions did not result in a reviewable decision to exclude him.

[6] Mr. Orr’s letter, conveying CBSA’s preliminary assessment to Mr. Galloway, had the desired effect of discouraging Mr. Galloway from testing the respondents’ resolve to deny him entry. However, that letter did not constitute a decision nor did it communicate a formal inadmissibility finding that had been made in accordance with the applicable legislation. Mr. Galloway chose not to present himself at the border for examination and did not seek the exercise of ministerial discretion in the form of an exemption or a temporary residence permit. As such, no final decision was made regarding his admissibility. There is, therefore, no decision which this Court can review.

[7]These findings should not be taken as agreement with the respondents’ position that there are reasonable grounds to believe that Mr. Galloway may be inadmissible pursuant to s. 34 of the Act. It is clear from the record that CBSA’s preliminary assessment to that effect was hurriedly produced in response to instructions from the office of the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration and from departmental officials that assumed Galloway was inadmissible on scant evidence. The result, in my view, was a flawed and overreaching interpretation of the standards under Canadian law for labelling someone as engaging in terrorism or being a member of a terrorist organization. The Court is under no illusions about the character of the organization in question, Hamas. But the evidence considered by the respondents falls far short of providing reasonable grounds to believe that Mr. Galloway is a member of that organization.

[8] The record contains statements which counsel for the respondents fairly characterized in argument as “unwise”. Taken into consideration with the haste with which officials reached the conclusion that Mr. Galloway was inadmissible and took steps to have him barred before the assessment of his admissibility was completed, these statements could have supported findings of bias and bad faith against the respondents. It is clear that the efforts to keep Mr. Galloway out of the country had more to do with antipathy to his political views than with any real concern that he had engaged in terrorism or was a member of a terrorist organization. No consideration appears to have been given to the interests of those Canadians who wished to hear Mr. Galloway speak or the values of freedom of expression and association enshrined in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

[9]The foregoing comments are not intended in any way to convey approval of Mr. Galloway’s political views or disapproval of the respondents’ opinions with respect to those views. In this application, the Court was asked to consider whether the actions taken to bar Mr. Galloway from expressing his views in Canada are judicially reviewable and if so, whether they meet the legal standard of reasonableness. On the basis of the evidence before me, I must conclude that the respondents’ efforts to bar Mr. Galloway did not result in a decision or action for which a remedy may be provided by this Court.

[10]If I have erred in this conclusion, I am satisfied that the evidence considered by the respondents was insufficient to support a finding that there are reasonable grounds to believe that Mr. Galloway is a member of a terrorist organization or has engaged in acts of terrorism. It was, therefore, unreasonable for the respondents to rely on those grounds to deem him inadmissible to Canada.

Background

George Galloway

[11] George Galloway is a British citizen and was, at the material times, a Member of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for the Respect Party. He has since been defeated in the most recent parliamentary elections. Galloway is notorious in Britain and abroad for the controversies which have arisen from his participation in various protest movements including a campaign against the sanctions imposed on Iraq following the Gulf War. He was investigated and temporarily suspended from Parliament for allegedly improperly benefiting from the United Nations Oil for Food Program. Galloway successfully sued a British paper for libel over similar allegations. He was ultimately expelled from the U.K. Labour Party for allegedly inciting attacks against British troops in Iraq following the 2003 invasion, which he denies. In short, Galloway is a highly controversial figure who provokes strong reactions to his public statements and actions.

[12]Mr. Galloway’s sympathies for the Palestinians and their cause are well known and are described at length in the court record. He was vehemently opposed to the Israeli intervention in the Gaza Territory in December 2008 and in January 2009. He also opposed the ensuing blockade of goods to the territory. In early March 2009, Galloway was part of a convoy organized by a group called Viva Palestina which delivered financial and material assistance to Gaza in an effort to break the blockade. As Mr. Galloway publicly declared, his participation in the convoy was intended as a political statement in opposition to the blockade as well as a means to provide humanitarian aid to the people of the territory. There is a considerable amount of evidence in the record about other opposition to the blockade and the donations of aid from many other sources, including western governments, through organizations such as the Red Crescent Society.

[13]The Viva Palestina convoy consisted of 109 trucks loaded with medical supplies, toys, clothes and vehicles including ambulances and a fire truck. Mr. Galloway also contributed GBP25,000 ($45,000) raised from donations by individuals wishing to support the relief effort. After some delay involving negotiations with the Israeli and Egyptian Governments, most of the aid was allowed to enter Gaza through an Egyptian border crossing. Non-medical aid was conveyed to Gaza through Israel security controls.

[14]Gaza is currently under the control of the Harakat Al-Muqawama Al-Islamiya ("Islamic Resistance Movement"), more commonly known by the acronym, Hamas. Following elections in 2006, Hamas gained a majority of the seats on the Palestinian Legislative Council for Gaza and took control of the local government. Hamas controls the security, health, education and social services in the territory.

[15] Hamas was listed as a terrorist entity under subsection 83.05(1) of the Criminal Code, R.S. C. 1985, c. C-46, by the Governor in Council in November 2002. The listing was reviewed and maintained in November 2008. Hamas is similarly proscribed by the United States and the European Union. The identification of Hamas as a terrorist organization for the purposes of paragraph 34(1)(f) of the IRPA, was not questioned in these proceedings.

[16]Mr. Galloway says he respects the democratic right of Palestinians to elect their own leaders and, in that regard, respects the decision of Gazans to elect Hamas in January 2006 to a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council for the territory. However, Galloway denies being a member or a supporter of Hamas. To the contrary, he claims to support another Palestinian organization, Fatah, which has long been opposed in interest to Hamas.

[17]Galloway asserts that his purpose in delivering goods and cash to Gaza was to support the Palestinian people, not Hamas. He says he delivered humanitarian aid to the Government of Gaza, not to Hamas. However, it is also clear from the record that Mr. Galloway was aware that his actions might be construed as support for Hamas and was prepared to accept that risk. He also delivered the cash donations directly to the head of the Hamas government in a highly publicized gesture.

[18] The purpose and distribution of the aid delivered by the convoy is not disputed by the respondents. There is no evidence in the record that it was used by Hamas for any terrorist purpose. The unchallenged evidence in the record is that the cash delivered by Galloway was used to buy incubators and pediatric dialysis units for a Gaza hospital.

[19] Following these events, Galloway was invited to visit Canada for a speaking tour to discuss topics such as the conflict in Gaza and the war in Afghanistan. His visit was scheduled to run from March 30 to April 2, 2009 with appearances in Toronto, Mississauga, Ottawa and Montreal, after a similar tour in the United States. The organizers, including other applicants in this proceeding, expended a considerable amount of time, money and energy to make the arrangements.

[20] Galloway had previously entered Canada without difficulty and had spoken to Canadian audiences in September 2005 and in November 2006. On each of these occasions, Galloway’s visit attracted hundreds of people to public debates on Canada’s foreign policy, the wars in Iraq and in Afghanistan, and the political situation in the Middle East. There is no indication in the record that his prior appearances in Canada fomented public disorder, or created a security risk. Galloway was not on any watch list maintained by CBSA prior to these events, according to the evidence.

The impugned “decision”:



[21] The plan to have Mr. Galloway speak again in this country came to the attention of some Canadians opposed to his views on the Middle East. On March 15, 2009, they published an open letter to Jason Kenney, Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, asking him to bar Mr. Galloway from Canada.



[22] Early in the afternoon of March 16, 2009, Mr. Alykhan Velshi wrote an e-mail to Mr. Edison Stewart, Director General of the Communications Branch at Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC). In the email, Mr. Velshi reported to have received a “media call” asking him why Canada was going to admit Mr. Galloway as a visitor, given Mr. Galloway’s previous public statements and actions. Mr. Velshi was not a CIC officer but was a member of the Minister’s political staff. He served as Director of Communications and Parliamentary Affairs in the Minister’s office.



[23] In the email to Mr. Stewart and in several follow-up e-mails, Mr. Velshi expressed the view that Mr. Galloway was inadmissible. He shared the results of some personal, on-line research he had conducted. He also advised Mr. Stewart that the Minister would not grant a temporary resident permit (TRP) if one were to be requested by Mr. Galloway. A TRP may be issued under s. 24 of the Act to a person who is inadmissible to Canada at the discretion of an officer who is of the opinion that it is justified in the circumstances. In exercising that discretion the officer shall act in accordance with any instructions that the Minister may make. Mr. Stewart passed Mr. Velshi’s enquiry on to Stephane Larue, who was then the Director General of the Case Management Branch of CIC.



[24] As admissibility determinations fall within the scope of the responsibilities of the Department of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness (PSEP), Mr. Larue referred the request to Ms. Connie Terreberry of CBSA. Ms. Terreberry agreed to do a quick admissibility assessment. She forwarded Mr. Velshi’s and Mr. Larue’s e-mails to colleagues with instructions “to do a quick check on this and let me know what we’ve got”. Within approximately two hours of Mr. Velshi’s initial message, CBSA officials were exchanging e-mails with CIC personnel indicating that their preliminary checks were complete and that “[w]ith the extensive info available in open source, the applicant is inadmissible 34(1)(f) and possibly 34(1)(c).”



[25] Early the next morning, Ms. Terreberry advised a CIC official that the research to confirm inadmissibility was done but that a formal assessment would take a little time and require consultation with their partner, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS). Apart from the open sources cited by Mr. Velshi in his e-mails, it does not appear from the record what, if any, additional research was conducted. When consulted, CSIS advised CBSA that they had no concerns with Mr. Galloway’s visit from a security perspective. That does not appear to have influenced CBSA’s view of the matter.



[26] The written assessment, completed late on March 17, 2009, is more cautious regarding the question of Mr. Galloway’s admissibility than is the earlier string of e-mails. It states in the opening paragraph:

Current information available suggests that the subject, Mr. George Galloway may be inadmissible to Canada pursuant to paragraph 34(1)(c) and 34(1)(f) of the [IRPA]. [Emphasis added]



[27] The concluding recommendation was that there were reasonable grounds to invoke the s. 34 grounds “…should a Visa Officer decide to do so after examining all of the facts of this case” (emphasis added). This preliminary assessment was then circulated within CBSA, CIC and other government offices while discussions ensued about what to do with Mr. Galloway should he show up at an airport or land crossing seeking entry into Canada.



[28] The record shows that e-mails concerning the matter were distributed widely within the government, including to the Prime Minister’s Office and to the Privy Council Office. The Canadian High Commissioner in London, Mr. James Wright, wrote to a broad distribution of senior personnel to urge that consideration be given to a number of factors, including the fact that neither the British nor the Americans had taken action against Mr. Galloway for his support to the Palestinians. His public statements, while widely criticized, would be defended as free speech in Great Britain. This was taking place in advance of a visit by the Prime Minister to London and Mr. Wright’s immediate concern was with the anticipated reaction of the British press.



[29] When it was noted by the High Commission press officer that Galloway was eligible for entry to the US, the response from Mr. Larue was that Canada’s laws were different and prescriptive, leaving not much discretion on determining admissibility. He noted that there was flexibility in the use of the TRP under s. 24 and the exemption for humanitarian and compassionate grounds under s. 25 of the Act but “our Minister has indicated that he does not wish to use those in this particular case.”



[30] Another of Mr. Kenney’s assistants, Kennedy Hong, wrote to Larue and others at 11:59 a.m. on March 18th to advise that Galloway may already be in the US and to inquire whether there was something “on the border security system already so he doesn’t get let in accidentally.”



[31] In an e-mail at 12:14 on the 18th , Mr. Velshi wrote to Mr. Larue:

Stephane, an old associate of mine says that he [Mr. Galloway] is currently speaking in New York. He may try to cross the land border. Can you confirm that if he tries to cross the Canada-US border, or tries to fly in via Pearson (either from the US or the UK) he will be turned back. The minister has said he will not issue a TRP and doesn’t want one issued. So I just need confirmation that, assuming he’s not already in the country, he will not be allowed in under any circumstances.



[32] A flurry of e-mails followed to assure political staff that border officials would be alert to the possible arrival of Mr. Galloway by land, sea or air. At 12:34 Hong wanted to know whether officials would enter Galloway’s name into their computer system: “how can CBSA ensure that he won’t just be waived into Canada? Can we provide them with a profile? A photo?” At 12:40, Velshi sought confirmation that:

[s]ince the Min won’t issue a TRP, there is no change [sic] he will be allowed entry though otherwise inadmissible? i.e., is there a chance that the border agent or NHQ will accidentally issue a TRP?



Larue offered assurances that Port of Entry officials did not have that authority. He undertook to ensure that the inadmissibility grounds were clearly indicated in the lookout (i.e., the alert sent to border officials).



[33] Also on March 18, 2010, Velshi told a press officer at the High Commission in London that Mr. Galloway would be informed the next day that he would not be allowed to enter Canada because the CBSA had deemed him inadmissible. He instructed that all press inquiries be directed to him.



[34] As Mr. Galloway was, presumably, unaware of these efforts to deny him entry, CIC officials had decided that it would be appropriate to give him advance notice. Mr. Robert Orr, Immigration Program Manager and highest-ranking CIC employee at the Canadian High Commission in London was enlisted in this effort. In his affidavit, Mr. Orr says that he merely functioned as the liaison between CIC National Headquarters and Mr. Galloway and made no decisions respecting Mr. Galloway’s admissibility. He says he was advised that Minister Kenney did not want Mr. Galloway allowed entry under any of the exemptions to inadmissibility.



[35] Mr. Orr initially tried, unsuccessfully, to contact Mr. Galloway by phone through his parliamentary office in London on March 19th. On March 20, 2009, Mr. Orr spoke to Mr. Galloway’s parliamentary assistant who expressed concern that the information had appeared in a British newspaper before they were informed. Disclosure of this personal information, Mr. Orr acknowledged on cross-examination, may have been a breach of the Privacy Act. He did not know how it had been disclosed other than it was not from the High Commission.



[36] Mr. Velshi had previously requested, and received from the High Commission, contact particulars for all of the major UK newspapers. Velshi is quoted in the story that appeared in the Sun newspaper on the morning of the 20th. When asked whether Galloway would receive a special permit from the Immigration Minister, he is quoted as saying:

George Galloway is not getting the permit-end of story. He defends the very terrorists trying to kill Canadian forces in Afghanistan.





[37] Mr. Velshi approached other media sources to convey the same message. In an interview with a U.K. television network on the same date, Mr. Velshi stated:

Mr. Galloway has um, is on the record bragging about providing financial support to Hamas, an organization which is a banned terrorist organization in Canada. He’s expressed sympathy for the, ah, Taliban murderers who are trying to kill Canadian and British soldiers in Afghanistan.



This is not someone who, we believe, we should be, ah, giving special treatment in terms of allowing him access to our country. Essentially, here’s someone who, as, Mr. Galloway, who said that, um, Mr. Galloway has said he wants to come to Canada to raise money for, ah, for these groups, um, that are out there killing Canadians. Its actually, its actually quite odious and I think it’s entirely appropriate for our security agencies to say, that if, ah, that if they have advance notice that Mr. Galloway is going to come to Canada to pee on our carpet, that we should deny him entry to the home.



…this has nothing to do with, with freedom of speech whatsoever. The decision on whether or not, um, individuals constitute a national security threat to Canada are made by our border security agencies by applying the criteria of our immigration laws. And they’ve made the determination that Mr. Galloway is inadmissible on national security grounds. And so, our position as the Government is that we’re not going to second guess, we’re not going to question, we’re not going to overturn the decision of our border security agencies to, ah, hold that Mr. Galloway is inadmissible.



Ah, you know, he’s perfectly free to, ah, to go onto his, um, you know, to go onto soap box and to say, ah, whatever he wants. But what he’s not free, ah, to do, is um, to, pose a threat to the safety and security of Canadians and that’s something that our security agencies are ultimately responsible for determining.





[38] In this and other communications to the press, Mr. Velshi states that the decision had been made to bar Mr. Galloway on national security grounds. As noted above, the evidence is that CSIS had no concerns with Mr. Galloway’s visit on such grounds. Nor is there any indication in the preliminary assessment that Mr. Galloway posed “a threat to the safety and security of Canadians”. Later comments by Minister Kenney attempted to distance his office from involvement in the process by describing it as an operational decision by CBSA officials.



[39] In two e-mails to the High Commissioner, Mr. Orr advised that a decision regarding Mr. Galloway had been made in Ottawa. On March 19th, he wrote that he had instructions from the Minister’s office to contact Galloway’s office to “convey the decision”. In an e-mail on March 20th, Mr. Orr wrote that in speaking to the parliamentary assistant he had “stated that Mr. Galloway has been deemed inadmissible by Canada’s immigration minister, Jason Kenney, and that he would be denied entry at a Canadian port of entry.” Mr. Orr was not questioned about this in his cross-examination but he described other comments in the string of e-mails between Ottawa and London that suggested that a decision had already been made as being poorly phrased (“sloppy drafting”). He said that officials were aware that such a decision depended upon the examination process that would follow any attempt by Mr. Galloway to enter Canada.



[40] Mr. Orr wrote to Mr. Galloway later on the 20th. His letter constitutes the reasons that were communicated to Mr. Galloway for why he was deemed inadmissible. With the deletion of the statutory references, the letter reads as follows:



Further to my conversation with your parliamentary office, this letter confirms the preliminary assessment of the Canada Border Services Agency that you are inadmissible to Canada….



Hamas is a listed terrorist organization in Canada. There are reasonable grounds to believe you have provided financial support for Hamas. Specifically, we have information that indicates you organized a convoy worth over one million British pounds in aid and vehicles, and personally donated vehicles and financing to Hamas Prime Minister Ismail Haniya. Your financial support for this organization makes you inadmissible to Canada pursuant to paragraph 34(1)(c) and paragraph 34(1)(f) of IRPA.



It is our understanding that it is your intent to come to Canada on March 30, 2009. You are invited to make any submissions you deem necessary with respect to this preliminary assessment of inadmissibility in advance of this date. Any submissions you provide will be considered. Please forward these submissions to my attention at the above address.

If we do not receive any submissions on or before March 30, 2009, and you present yourself at the Port-of-Entry, the Canadian Border Services Agency officer will make a final determination of inadmissibility based on this preliminary assessment and any submissions you make at that time.



In order to overcome this inadmissibility, you could submit an application for a Temporary Resident Permit. I have been asked to convey to you that it is unlikely that the application would be successful. However, a final determination with respect to a temporary permit will only be issued upon application.



[41] On cross-examination, Mr. Orr indicated that the information in the letter was dictated to him by phone. He was adamant that he did not make a decision to find Mr. Galloway inadmissible but merely conveyed the CBSA’s preliminary assessment as it was described to him by telephone and e-mail. In his experience, this type of warning was rare but not unknown. He was not aware of any instances, such as this, where the issue arose because of a "media call" to a political staff member.



[42] Mr. Orr confirmed that had Mr. Galloway arrived at a Canadian Port of Entry there were several possible outcomes. He would be examined by an officer and an immediate decision could be made as to his admissibility. Alternatively, he could be directed back to the US for several weeks while an admissibility report was considered by an officer. He could also be detained as a suspected terrorist. The preliminary assessment would be relied upon by the deciding officer, as the memo was from a specialized unit, although it was open to the officer to do further research. He maintained that the officer would not be obliged to agree with the opinion expressed in the preliminary assessment while conceding that he had not seen this happen. He acknowledged that the border officer would be aware of what had transpired in Ottawa and that this would be a factor in the decision making. It was also open to Mr. Galloway to apply to the PSEP Minister for an exemption under s. 34 (2). This requires a determination that the applicant’s presence in Canada, notwithstanding the presence of the factors in s. 34 (1), would not be detrimental to the national interest.



[43] In a letter dated March 23, 2009, but received by Mr. Orr on March 25, 2009, Mr. Galloway’s counsel provided submissions to the High Commission regarding his admissibility. The applicant requested that the High Commission review his submissions and provide a response by March 24, 2009.



[44] Later that same day (March 25, 2009), Mr. Galloway’s counsel sent an e-mail to Mr. Orr at the High Commission indicating that the applicant could not wait for Mr. Orr’s reply and that he had already filed an application for leave and judicial review with the Federal Court, precluding any further action on Mr. Orr’s part, in his view.



The judicial review proceedings:



[45] On March 29, 2009, Mr. Galloway and his supporters sought an interim injunction before this Court to allow him to enter Canada for the purposes of the speaking tour. On March 30, 2009, Justice Luc Martineau dismissed the applicant’s motion. Justice Martineau determined that the applicant’s arguments raised a serious issue on the low threshold established by the case law and that his arguments were not frivolous or vexatious. However, the applicant had failed to meet another essential requirement for obtaining an interim injunction, that is that he would suffer irreparable harm if the injunction were not granted: Toronto Coalition to Stop the War v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2009 FC 326.

[46] On the afternoon of March 30, 2009, the applicant was in the United States. Depending on the outcome of the injunction application, he intended to present himself at the Lacolle, Québec border post. As Mr. Galloway explains in his affidavit evidence, he had no desire to be possibly detained by CBSA while the matter of his admissibility was being determined. Thus he chose not to appear at the border post. It also appears that no consideration was given to applying for an exemption under s. 34 (2) or a TRP.



[47] Mr. Galloway's speaking engagements in Canada were carried out, with considerable difficulty and with increased costs, by telephone and video conference facilities from New York. According to the affidavit evidence submitted by the applicants, participation was lower than expected, contributing to a significant loss of revenue, as many persons who had bought tickets in anticipation of hearing Galloway directly sought refunds. Since these events occurred, Galloway has returned to the United States on three occasions without difficulty for speaking engagements.



[48] At the outset of these proceedings, the respondents sought to have the applicants other than Mr. Galloway struck from the record as parties by way of a cross-motion to the applicants’ motion for an interim stay. The cross-motion was dismissed by the Court on March 27, 2009. It was dismissed without prejudice to it being brought on again by motion before a regular sitting of the Court.



[49] The respondents have contended from the outset that there was no decision made to refuse Mr. Galloway entry to Canada. In response to the request from the Registry under Rule 9 of the Federal Courts Immigration and Refugee Protection Rules, SOR/93-22 to provide a certified copy of the decision and any written reasons for the decision, the Canadian High Commission in London replied on May 21, 2009. They reported that they had no record of a decision made on March 20, 2009 pertaining to Mr. Galloway.



[50] A hearing of this matter was delayed by reason of a series of motions brought by the parties relating to the content of the certified record, ultimately produced by the High Commission in response to the Court’s order granting leave for the application to be heard. The certified record consists largely of copies of e-mail messages exchanged between government offices in Ottawa and the High Commission in London.



[51] The respondents were concerned that the certified tribunal record contained information of a sensitive nature that should not be disclosed. They brought a motion pursuant to section 87 of the Act for a protection order, which I granted, in part, in an Order issued in December, 2009. As a result, the time required to complete the remaining stages of the application was extended.



[52] The applicants moved for the disclosure of additional information that was not included in the tribunal record, alleging that the respondents had not disclosed all of the relevant communications between government offices relating to Mr. Galloway. The parties were urged to reach agreement on what constituted the record but were unable to do so. The respondents produced two witnesses who were cross-examined on their affidavits.



[53] The applicants then sought additional production and an order to compel the witnesses to answer certain questions which I declined to issue. In my view, the respondents had produced an adequate record of what had led to the impugned decision and the applicants were engaged in a “fishing expedition” to find additional evidence of bad faith and bias they could not demonstrate existed, such as further communications between government offices in Ottawa. Applying the proportionality principle, I considered that the discovery process had gone on long enough and had to be brought to a close.



[54] I note that on April 9, 2009, following the cross-examination of a CBSA witness, the respondents voluntarily disclosed a number of unredacted CBSA e-mails which had not been included in the certified record dated January 13, 2010. The applicants continue to maintain that the record is incomplete and that they should have been allowed to explore whether there was additional evidence of decisions made in other government offices that affected their interests.



[55] Notwithstanding these concerns, I am satisfied that the respondents produced what appears to be a complete record of the communications within CIC and CBSA that led to the March 20, 2009 letter to Mr. Galloway. Prior to the hearing, they waived the claim of public interest privilege on the content for which they had previously sought protection.



[56] The applicants served and filed a Notice of Constitutional Question on March 12, 2010 asserting that section 34 of the IRPA breaches their freedoms of expression and association, their equality rights and their liberty and security of the person rights under sections 2, 7 and 15 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (U.K.), 1982, c. 11 (Charter).



[57] The Canadian Civil Liberties Association sought, and was granted, limited intervenor status to submit written and oral argument respecting the constitutionality and interpretation of section 34 of the IRPA.





Issues



[58] As noted, the applicants served and filed a Notice of Constitutional Question alleging that their rights to freedom of expression and association, security of the person and equality were breached by section 34 of the IRPA. They filed written representations on those issues but did not press them in oral argument. The intervenor, the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, did not question the validity of the section at the hearing but focused their submissions on the proper interpretation and application of the legislation, having regard to Charter values.



[59] The Court should generally avoid making any unnecessary constitutional pronouncement and is not bound to answer constitutional questions when it may dispose of the matter without doing so: Tremblay v. Daigle, [1989] 2 S.C.R. 530 at page 571; Smoke-Graham v. The Queen, [1985] 1 S.C.R. 106 at page 121.



[60] Accordingly, I do not consider it necessary to address the constitutional validity issue. Had I done so, I would have agreed with the respondents that based on the established jurisprudence, section 34 withstands constitutional scrutiny on a subsection 2 (b) or (d) Charter analysis so long as the discretion it affords is exercised in accordance with the statute: Suresh v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2002 SCC 1, [2002] 1 S.C.R. 3 (“Suresh”); Khalil v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2009 FCA 66.



[61] In the event that I have erred with respect to the conclusion that I have reached regarding the disposition of this matter, I think it necessary to address the merits of the preliminary assessment made by CBSA. In oral argument, the applicants asked me to comment on the assessment, even if I determined there was no reviewable decision to exclude Mr. Galloway, as there continues to be a live controversy between the parties on that issue. Galloway may wish to come to Canada again and the assessment, if unquestioned, may be used to inform any future decision by a visa officer as to his admissibility.



[62] The issues raised by the parties can therefore be narrowed to the following:

1. Do the applicants, other than Mr. Galloway, have standing in this application for judicial review? Were their Charter section 2 rights infringed?



2. Was CBSA’s preliminary assessment that Mr. Galloway may be inadmissible on security grounds reasonable?



3. Was there a “decision, order, act or proceeding” subject to judicial review pursuant to section 18.1 of the Federal Courts Act?







Analysis



Legislative Framework:



[63] Section 18.1 of the Federal Courts Act, R.S. 1985, c. F-7 sets out the authority of the Court to review and set aside decisions or actions of federal institutions. The relevant provisions are subsections 18.1 (1), (3) and (4) which read as follows:



18.1 (1) An application for judicial review may be made by the Attorney General of Canada or by anyone directly affected by the matter in respect of which relief is sought.




18.1 (1) Une demande de contrôle judiciaire peut être présentée par le procureur général du Canada ou par quiconque est directement touché par l’objet de la demande.








(3) On an application for judicial review, the

Federal Court may


(3) Sur présentation d’une demande de contrôle judiciaire, la Cour fédérale peut :



(a) order a federal board, commission or

other tribunal to do any act or thing it has unlawfully failed or refused to do or has unreasonably delayed in doing; or




a) ordonner à l’office fédéral en cause d’accomplir tout acte qu’il a illégalement omis ou refusé d’accomplir ou dont il a retardé l’exécution de manière déraisonnable;

(b) declare invalid or unlawful, or quash, set aside and refer back for determination in accordance with such directions as it considers to be appropriate, prohibit or restrain, a decision, order, act or proceeding of a federal board, commission or other tribunal.


b) déclarer nul ou illégal, ou annuler, ou infirmer et renvoyer pour jugement conformément aux instructions qu’elle estime appropriées, ou prohiber ou encore restreindre toute décision, ordonnance, procédure ou tout autre acte de l’office fédéral.



(4) The Federal Court may grant relief under subsection (3) if it is satisfied that the federal

board, commission or other tribunal




(4) Les mesures prévues au paragraphe (3) sont prises si la Cour fédérale est convaincue que l’office fédéral, selon le cas:



(a) acted without jurisdiction, acted beyond

its jurisdiction or refused to exercise its jurisdiction;




a) a agi sans compétence, outrepassé celle-ci ou refusé de l’exercer;



(b) failed to observe a principle of natural justice, procedural fairness or other procedure

that it was required by law to observe;




b) n’a pas observé un principe de justice naturelle ou d’équité procédurale ou toute autre procédure qu’il était légalement tenu de respecter;



(c) erred in law in making a decision or an order, whether or not the error appears on the

face of the record;


c) a rendu une décision ou une ordonnance entachée d’une erreur de droit, que celle-ci soit manifeste ou non au vu du dossier;



(d) based its decision or order on an erroneous

finding of fact that it made in a perverse or capricious manner or without regard for the material before it;




d) a rendu une décision ou une ordonnance fondée sur une conclusion de fait erronée, tirée de façon abusive ou arbitraire ou sans tenir compte des éléments dont il dispose;



(e) acted, or failed to act, by reason of fraud or perjured evidence; or




e) a agi ou omis d’agir en raison d’une fraude ou de faux témoignages;



(f) acted in any other way that was contrary to law.




f) a agi de toute autre façon contraire à la loi.





[64] The relevant provisions of section 34 of IRPA are the following:



s.34

(1) A permanent resident or a foreign national is inadmissible on security grounds for






art.34

(1) Emportent interdiction de territoire pour raison de sécurité les faits suivants :



(c) engaging in terrorism;




c) se livrer au terrorisme;



(f) being a member of an organization that there are reasonable grounds to believe engages, has engaged or will engage in acts referred to in paragraph (a), (b) or (c).




f) être membre d’une organisation dont il y a des motifs raisonnables de croire qu’elle est, a été ou sera l’auteur d’un acte visé aux alinéas a), b) ou c).

(2) The matters referred to in subsection (1) do not constitute inadmissibility in respect of a permanent resident or a foreign national who satisfies the Minister that their presence in Canada would not be detrimental to the national interest.


(2) Ces faits n’emportent pas interdiction de territoire pour le résident permanent ou l’étranger qui convainc le ministre que sa présence au Canada ne serait nullement préjudiciable à l’intérêt national.



[65] Section 33 of the statute provides a guide to interpretation of s. 34 in these terms :

s.33

The facts that constitute inadmissibility under sections 34 to 37 include facts arising from omissions and, unless otherwise provided, include facts for which there are reasonable grounds to believe that they have occurred, are occurring or may occur.




art.33

Les faits — actes ou omissions — mentionnés aux articles 34 à 37 sont, sauf disposition contraire, appréciés sur la base de motifs raisonnables de croire qu’ils sont survenus, surviennent ou peuvent survenir.





Standard of Review



[66] The “reasonable grounds to believe” standard in paragraph 34(1)(f) and the guide to interpretation in section 33 of the IRPA has been held to require more than mere suspicion, but less than the civil standard, or proof on a balance of probabilities. It is said to be a bona fide belief in a serious possibility based on credible evidence: Mohammad v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2010 FC 51 at para. 50; Almrei (Re), 2009 FC 1263 at para. 100. The application of this test or guide to the evidence is a mixed question of fact and law calling for the application of the reasonableness standard: Poshteh v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2005 FCA 85 (“Poshteh”).



[67] The interpretation of the term "member" in paragraph 34(1)(f) is a question of law. Whether someone has “engaged in terrorism”, as set out in paragraph 34(1)(c), or is a “member of an organization” that has engaged in terrorism within the meaning of paragraph 34(1)(f) are mixed questions of fact and law and have been traditionally reviewed on the reasonableness standard: Poshteh, above, at paras. 16-23.



[68] The reasonableness standard reflects the factual element present in questions of membership and the expertise that officers possess when assessing applications against the inadmissibility criteria contained in subsection 34(1) of the Act: Ugbazghi v. Canada (Minister of Citizen and Immigration), 2008 FC 694, [2009] 1 F.C.R. 454; Saleh v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2010 FC 303.



[69] Under paragraph 18.1(4)(c) of the Federal Courts Act, questions of law are reviewable on a standard of correctness. A determination that an act was an act of terrorism must be legally correct: Mugesera v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2005 SCC 40, [2005] 2 S.C.R. 100 at para. 116.



[70] On questions of fact, the Federal Court can intervene under paragraph 18.1(4)(d) only if it considers that the decision maker “based its decision or order on an erroneous finding of fact that it made in a perverse or capricious manner or without regard for the material before it”. The Supreme Court has made it clear that in enacting this ground of review, Parliament intended administrative fact finding to be given a high degree of deference: Canada (Citizenship and Immigration) v. Khosa, 2009 SCC 12, [2009] 1 S.C.R. 339 at para. 46 (“Khosa”).



[71] Overall, application of the reasonableness standard calls for a high degree of deference: Khosa, above, at para. 59.



Do the applicants, other than Mr. Galloway, have any standing in this application? Were their Charter s.2 rights infringed?



[72] As already mentioned, the respondents have taken the position from the outset of these proceedings that the applicants, other than Mr. Galloway, have no standing in this matter. The respondents’ pre-hearing motion to strike the other applicants from the record was dismissed without prejudice to their bringing the question back on before the judge hearing the application, which they have done.



[73] The test for standing in a judicial review application is that set out in subsection 18.1(1) of the Federal Courts Act. An application may be made by the Attorney General of Canada or by anyone directly affected by the matter in respect of which relief is sought.



[74] The phrase “anyone directly affected” focuses attention on the rights as well as the interests of the applicant. It is not enough to have an interest in the outcome. This Court has held, for example, that sponsors and family members of a foreign national seeking an immigrant visa lack the required standing to bring a judicial review application because their rights are not directly affected: Carson v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration) (1995), 95 F.T.R. 137, 55 A.C.W.S. (3d) 389 at para. 4 (“Carson”); Wu v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration) (2000), 4 Imm. L.R. (3d), 183 F.T.R. 309 at para. 15 (“Wu”).



[75] The respondents argue that the steps taken by the respondent ministers in this matter did not directly affect the other applicants’ legal rights, impose any legal obligations upon them or prejudicially affect them so as to bring them within the scope of subsection 18.1(1). The applicants, other than Mr. Galloway, submit that this does not take into account their Charter right to freedom of expression which encompasses a right to receive information. They argue that Carson and Wu are distinguishable, as issues of that nature did not arise in those cases.



[76] The applicants rely on the decision of the New Brunswick Court of Appeal in Province of New Brunswick v. Morgentaler, 2009 NBCA 26 at paras. 34-35, for the proposition that a party has standing if they have a personal stake in the outcome of the controversy. But in that case, the applicant had a direct interest in the application of the policy in question. He would not be paid by the province for services performed if the policy were upheld. Moreover, he had sought public interest standing which raises different considerations as I discuss below.



[77] In Henry Global Immigration Services v. Canada (Citizenship and Immigration) (1998), 158 F.T.R. 110, 84 A.C.W.S. (3d) 756, also cited by the applicants, Justice Frederick Gibson of the Federal Court found that an immigration consultant had standing in the judicial review of a decision respecting failed applications for landing in Canada. In the particular circumstances of that case, the consultant was at risk of being put out of business if the decision in question was upheld. In Friends of the Island Inc. v. Canada (Minister of Public Works), [1993] 2 F.C. 229, the applicant’s members were farmers and fishermen. There was abundant evidence that they would be directly affected by the cancellation of the ferry service to Prince Edward Island. There is no evidence of similar economic interests in this case.



[78] It could be argued that the other applicants were directly affected by the decision not to allow Mr. Galloway entrance to Canada. As noted above, the reduced participation from individuals who originally signed up to attend the event contributed to a significant loss of revenue. It also resulted in the return of many tickets by those who wished to see Mr. Galloway speak directly. While I recognize that there is certain merit to this claim, I am not persuaded that it rises to the level of an interest that would meet the directly affected standard.



[79] I find, therefore, that the other applicants were not directly affected by the impugned and putative decision. However, that does not end the question of their standing. The wording of subsection 18.1 (1) has been held to be broad enough to encompass applicants who are not directly affected when they meet the test for public interest standing: Kwicksutaineuk/Ah-kwa-mish Tribes v. Canada (Minister of Fisheries and Oceans) (2003), 227 F.T.R. 96, 120 A.C.W.S. (3d) 197, affirmed by 2003 FCA 484, leave to appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada refused, May 20, 2004, 331 N.R. 190; Canada (R.C.M.P.) v. Canada (Attorney General), 2005 FCA 213, [2006] 1 F.C.R. 53.



[80] The test for public interest standing was articulated by the Supreme Court in Canadian Council of Churches v. Canada, [1992] 1 S.C.R. 236, 16 Imm. L.R. (2d). The Court held that three aspects of the claim must be considered when public interest standing is sought. First, is there a serious issue raised? Second, has it been established that the plaintiff is directly affected or, if not, does the plaintiff have a genuine interest in the issue? Third, is there another reasonable and effective way to bring the issue before the Court? It is clear that serious issues have been raised in this application and that the other applicants have a genuine interest in those issues. That leaves the question of whether there is another reasonable and effective way to bring the issue before the Court.



[81] In the particular circumstances of this case, it is not apparent that there was another reasonable and effective way to bring the issue of the other applicants’ Charter interests before the Court. The rights and freedoms protected under section 2 of the Charter could not have been invoked on Mr. Galloway’s behalf as he is not a Canadian citizen, was outside of Canada at the time the impugned actions took place and lacks any “nexus” to Canada: Slahi v. Canada (Minister of Justice), 2009 FC 160 at para. 48, application for leave to appeal dismissed by the Federal Court of Appeal on September 9, 2009, 2009 FCA 259, 394 N.R. 352 and leave dismissed by the Supreme Court of Canada on February 18, 2010.



[82] The respondents deny that CIC or CBSA actually applied Canadian law to Galloway and made a reviewable decision. Had they done so, they concede, such a nexus might exist. I note that courts of the United Kingdom have held that the rights of freedom of expression and association under the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, 4 November 1950, 213 U.N.T.S. 221 at 223, Eur. T.S. 5, may be invoked by a non-citizen excluded in similar circumstances: R (on the application of Farrakhan) v. Secretary of State for the Home Department, [2002] EWCA Civ 606, [2002] 4 All E.R. 289; GW v. An Immigration Officer, [2009] UKAIT 00050. But in those cases, there was evidence of a formal decision having been made by a Minister or official having the appropriate statutory authority. An analogous situation may have arisen if Mr. Galloway had applied for a TRP from outside Canada and the application had been refused.



[83] The applicants and the intervenor have drawn my attention to several decisions of the American courts which have held that denying a visa to a foreign visitor who was invited to speak in the United States constitutes a denial of American First Amendment rights: Kleindienst et al. v. Mandel et al., 408 U.S. 753 (1972); De Allende, et al., v. Schultz, 605 F. Supp. 1220 (U.S. Dist. 1985); Kleindienst has been favourably cited by the Supreme Court of Canada: Harper v. Canada (Attorney General), 2004 SCC 33, [2004] 1 S.C.R. 827 at para. 18 (“Harper”).



[84] I accept the applicants’ position that the effect of denying the other applicants standing would prevent the Court from considering the argument that their rights of association and freedom of expression under the Charter had been infringed by the exclusion of Mr. Galloway from Canada. The potential breach is that they were unable to meet him in person and hear his views directly. In these circumstances, therefore, I think it appropriate to grant the other applicants public interest standing.



[85] There is no dispute between the parties that the right to freedom of expression under section 2 (b) of the Charter also protects the listener in that it includes the "right to hear" and the right to receive information: Irwin Toy Ltd. v. Québec (Attorney General), [1989] 1 S.C.R. 927; Harper, above, at paras. 17-18.



[86] In this case, the evidence is not that the government sought to restrict the right of the other applicants to receive the information. They could, through many other means, and in fact did, hear Galloway speak, albeit under strained conditions. Rather, the evidence is that the government wished to prevent Mr. Galloway from expounding his views on Canadian soil. I agree with the applicants that based on the evidence of the e-mails and public statements in the record, the concern with Galloway’s anticipated presence in Canada related solely to the content of the messages that the respondents expected him to deliver. But it is not clear that the actions taken prevented the transmission of those messages. Indeed, they arguably attracted more publicity both here and abroad to what Mr. Galloway had to say.



[87] The applicants, supported by the intervenor, argue that I should reject the government’s position that they were not denied the right to hear Mr. Galloway speak, only the choice of platform on which he was to deliver, and they were to receive, his comments. They submit that the mere fact of attending one of the venues where he was scheduled to appear is a form of expression. This is so because it puts the participant in a camp of persons who are concerned about the issues he would address. In their view, the government’s interference with Galloway’s visit to Canada denied them the right of expression by association with him at those venues and denied them the right to directly receive his views.



[88] The applicants assert that they are not seeking to require the government to provide Mr. Galloway with a platform on which to express his views. They wish, instead, to quash a decision that interferes with his ability to come to Canada and which infringes on their rights to freedom of expression and association. The respondents say that wanting to meet with someone in Canada who is inadmissible under Canadian law is not a form of protected expression. While there may have been some interference with the other applicants’ rights, it was not a substantial interference to the extent that would constitute a breach of s. 2: Baier v. Alberta, 2007 SCC 31, [2007] 2 S.C.R. 673 at para. 48.



[89] The intervenor agrees with the government that the goals of s. 34 of the IRPA – to protect the safety of Canadians and to ensure that national security concerns are met – are pressing and substantial. But, they argue, the administration of s. 34 requires a balancing of interests. In cases where a significant number of Canadian citizens and permanent residents wish to engage on a temporary basis with a foreign national whose admission is not a security threat, the balance should favour the free speech and associations of those citizens and permanent residents over the other interests involved. They rely on the decision of the Supreme Court of Canada in Suresh, above, at paragraph 32 for this proposition.



[90] Suresh dealt with the deportation of a refugee claimant by reason of a security certificate. In that decision, the Supreme Court made it clear that in reviewing government action against an individual in that context, the Court must determine whether the Minister has exercised his decision-making power within the constraints imposed by the Constitution. I don’t think the ruling goes as far as the intervenor suggests to require a balancing of the interests of the state and those of third parties not directly affected by the decision.



[91] In the result, I agree with the applicants that the activity for which they seek s. 2 (b) protection is a form of expression. I also agree with the applicants that the main reason why the respondents sought to prevent Mr. Galloway from entering Canada was that they disagreed with his political views. If the respondents’ purpose was to restrict the content of the expression in order to control access by others to the meaning being conveyed, it limits freedom of expression: R. v. Ahmad, [2009] O.J. No. 6151 at para. 123, citing the concurring judgment of Justice Lamer in Reference re ss. 193 and 195.1(1)(c) of the Criminal Code (Man.), [1990] 1 S.C.R. 1123.



[92] However, I don’t agree that the implication which flows from such a conclusion is that the rights of the other applicants under s. 2 of the Charter were breached. To enjoy such rights, there is no requirement for the government to accommodate the applicants by permitting someone entrance to Canada to meet with and speak to them. Under the jurisprudence interpreting s.2, as I understand it, there is no obligation on the part of the government to provide the means, and in this case the forum, by which the applicants may exercise their rights of expression: Dunmore. v. Ontario (Attorney General), 2001 SCC 94, [2001] 3 S.C.R. 1016; Haig v. Canada, [1993] 2 S.C.R. 995.



[93] On all of the evidence, there was no substantial interference with the rights of the other applicants to hear Galloway’s views or to associate themselves with his understanding of world events by attending at the scheduled venues. Nor is it the purpose of the legislative scheme, under which the respondents sought to bar Galloway, to deny the applicants their freedoms of speech or association. Rather, the purpose of the legislation is to protect Canadians from the admission of persons who may have committed or may, in the future, commit terrorist acts or who are members of an organization that does.



[94] The other applicants were denied the physical presence of Mr. Galloway as opposed to his image and his voice transmitted by video and telephone. As stated in Baier, above at paragraph 27, claimants must seek more than a particular channel for exercising their fundamental freedoms. I appreciate that the conditions under which Mr. Galloway eventually spoke to his Canadian audience in April 2009 were not optimal and that, as a result, some who had bought tickets chose not to attend. But this does not amount to a Charter breach. There was no infringement of their right to receive the content of Galloway’s message.



Was CBSA’s preliminary assessment that Mr. Galloway may be inadmissible pursuant to paragraphs 34(1)(c) and 34(1)(f) of the IRPA reasonable?





[95] As discussed above, I think it necessary to address this issue in the event that my conclusion on the outcome of this application is found to be in error. Moreover, there continues to be a live controversy between the parties as to the validity of the assessment.



[96] The overall standard of review for an inadmissibility decision based on paragraphs 34(1)(c) and (f) and s. 33 is reasonableness. The Court must afford the fact-finder a high degree of deference. This is not a case in which there was any issue as to the character of the organization in question. The issues were whether the applicant Galloway had engaged in terrorism or was a member of the organization. Deference does not require that the Court turn a blind eye to evident failings in the assessment.



[97] Having said that, I think it only fair to acknowledge that the authors of the preliminary assessment in this case did not have the benefit of argument by counsel or several months to consider the matter. The situation was novel as they would not normally encounter questions of inadmissibility relating to a sitting Member of Parliament. Moreover, they were being asked to provide a rapid assessment in circumstances where Ministers’ offices were actively engaged and where political staff and senior officials had already staked out a position. From my reading of the evidence, the assessment was written after political staff and senior officials had prematurely reached the conclusion that Galloway was inadmissible. It is not surprising that the resulting assessment confirmed that position, albeit in more cautious language.



[98] The assessment is not reasonable, in my view, as it overreaches in its interpretation of the facts, errs in its application of the law and fundamentally fails to take into account the purposes for which Galloway provided aid to the people of Gaza through the Hamas government. I think it necessary to discuss my reasons for this conclusion in some detail to assist the parties should the question of Mr. Galloway’s admissibility arise again.



[99] Much of the assessment consists of background information concerning Galloway’s involvement in matters such as the UN sponsored Iraqi Oil for Food program obtained from open sources such as the Internet. It is impossible to determine from the document whether this information is accurate as the sources are not identified. The authors include some details in Mr. Galloway’s favour, such as a finding by an investigative body that he had not breached the UN sanctions and that he had won a libel action over such accusations. This background information would not support a finding that Galloway had engaged in terrorism or was a member of an organization that engages in terrorism as it provides no evidence in support of either proposition.



[100] The primary focus of the analysis is said to be “Galloway' s inadmissibility pursuant to paragraph 34(1)(c) and 34(1)(f) of IRPA” due to his support for Hamas. No evidence of such support is referred to other than the Viva Palestina aid convoy. The assessment states:

The terrorist activities of the Hamas are well documented. Furthermore it is considered a listed entity according to the Government of Canada. The Anti-terrorism Act provides measures for the Government of Canada to create a list of entities. Public Safety Canada states that it is an offense to knowingly participate in or contribute to, directly, or indirectly, any activity of a terrorist group. This participation is only an offense if its purpose is to enhance the ability of any terrorist group to facilitate or carry out terrorist activity. (Highlighting added)



Galloway has publicly shown his support for Hamas. Not only has Galloway organized a convoy worth over 1 million British pounds in aid and vehicles, he also personally donated three vehicles and $44,000 (CDN) to Hamas leader, Haniya.





[101] The highlighted reference in the first paragraph to a statement by Public Safety Canada is presumably derived from Part II.1 of the Criminal Code R.S.C. 1985, c. C-46 as amended. The offences set out in that part deal with, among other things, the provision of material support to an organization that engages in terrorist activity.

[102] In an administrative law case involving the interpretation of s.34 of the IRPA, it is appropriate to consider the Criminal Code definition of terrorism: Soe v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2007 FC 671. “Terrorist activity” is defined in section 83.01 of the Code as encompassing a range of offences contrary to the UN Anti-terrorism Conventions to which Canada is a party, and other specified crimes of violence and serious property damage committed for a political, religious or ideological purpose, objective or cause.



[103] That portion of the definition which requires a political, religious or ideological purpose was struck down in R. v. Khawaja, [2006] O.J. No. 4245, 214 C.C.C. (3d) 399. The issue is currently before the Ontario Court of Appeal on appeal from that decision. Nonetheless, there is no question that the crimes in Part II.1 of the Code require proof of a necessary mental element; that is “…that an accused both knowingly participated in or contributed to a terrorist group, but also knew that it was such a group and intended to aid or facilitate it's terrorist activity.”: Khawaja at para. 38.



[104] Section 83.18 of the Code defines the criminal offence of knowingly participating in or contributing to, directly or indirectly, the activity of a terrorist group. For the purpose of proving an 83.18 offence, it must be established that the accused’s purpose is to enhance the ability of a terrorist group to facilitate or carry out a terrorist activity. The necessity to establish knowledge, intent, purpose or wilfulness is also found in the offences defined in sections 83.02, 83.03 and 83.04 which focus on the collection, provision and use of property to carry out terrorist acts.



[105] Canadian law in this regard is similar to that in the United States but differs in a significant respect which should be kept in mind by officials administering Canada’s legislation. The US material support statute contains an offence similar to those in the Criminal Code which require proof of both knowledge and purpose: 18 U.S.C. § 2339A. However, under 18 U. S. C. s.2339B, the more commonly used offence, it is sufficient to establish that the person knowingly made a contribution to a group which has been designated a “foreign terrorist organization” whether or not it was for a terrorist purpose: Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, 130 S.Ct. 2705 (2010) (“Holder”).



[106] As noted by Chief Justice John Roberts for the majority in Holder; while other anti-terrorism provisions in US law require an intent to further terrorist activity, Congress did not import that requirement when it enacted 18 U. S. C. §2339B in 1996 or when it clarified the knowledge requirements in 2004. The Parliament of Canada did import a purpose requirement in enacting Part II.1.



[107] The assertions that Galloway has publicly shown support for Hamas and delivered aid to them are repeated on several occasions in the assessment. They appear to be the basis for the conclusion that there may be reasonable grounds to believe Galloway has engaged in terrorism or is a member of a terrorist organization. However, there is no analysis in the document of Mr. Galloway’s purpose in delivering the aid or analysis of how his purpose would enhance the ability of Hamas to facilitate or carry out a terrorist activity. Nor is there any apparent consideration whether Galloway, in going to Gaza, was making a political statement in opposition to the blockade rather than expressing support for Hamas.



[108] The respondents argue, fairly, that funds provided to an organization for one purpose may be used by the organization for another purpose that falls within the Code definition of a terrorist activity. This may be the case, for example, where aid provided for an innocent purpose frees up resources that can be employed to carry out a terrorist attack. As stated by Chief Justice Roberts at page 10 in Holder, above, “designated foreign terrorist organizations do not maintain organizational firewalls between social, political, and terrorist operations, or financial firewalls between funds raised for humanitarian activities and those used to carry out terrorist attacks”.



[109] While this is no doubt true in many instances, there is no evidence on the record that it happened in this case. The respondents do not challenge the applicants’ evidence that the money was used for humanitarian purposes.



[110] The Court is not so naïve as to believe that Hamas is above taking advantage of the goodwill of others who contribute funds to them for humanitarian reasons. To suggest, however, that contributions to Hamas for such purposes makes the donor a party to any terrorist crimes committed by the organization goes beyond the parliamentary intent and the legislative language. The purpose to which the funds are donated must be to enhance the ability of the organization to facilitate or carry out a terrorist activity. Absent such a purpose, the mere assertion that material support was provided to such an organization is not sufficient. To hold otherwise could ensnare innocent Canadians who make donations to organizations they believe, in good faith, to be engaged in humanitarian works.



[111] In discussing the question of membership in a terrorist organization, the assessment states the following:

A member of a terrorist or a subversive or criminal organization does not have to personally commit acts or be involved in the management of the organization: it is only required that (s)he has knowledge of the essential nature of the organization and that there is an objective manifestation of the agreement to participate in the conduct of the affairs of the organization. The applicant provided financial support to a group which the Canadian government deemed was engaging in acts of terrorism. He was aiding the cause of Hamas and his role can be legally interpreted as assisting and providing a support function, in this case by providing financial backing. (Highlighting added)





[112] There is no reference in the document to any evidence of an agreement on the part of Galloway to participate in the affairs of Hamas nor is there any evidence cited of an intent to aid the cause of Hamas other than in contributing to it as the government of Gaza for the relief of suffering by the civilian population. To characterize the delivery of a convoy of humanitarian aid as “providing a support function” or “financial backing” amounting to an agreement to participate in the affairs of a terrorist organization is overreaching on the interpretation of the law.



[113] Reference is made in the assessment to the Federal Court decision in Pushpanathan v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2002 FCT 867, 116 A.C.W.S. (3d) 570 (“Pushpanathan”), for the proposition that complicity in support of the activities of a terrorist organization is sufficient to constitute an act of terrorism or to establish membership in the organization. The assessment states:

It is also important to note that complicity in respect to a terrorist activity can be considered to be an act of terrorism itself. While the case law in respect to complicity has been developed in the context of war crimes and crimes against humanity, these principles would also apply to acts of terrorism. Providing support functions, such as providing financial backing to the organization for the purpose of supporting the group and its activities, can be interpreted as activity that amounts to complicity.



[114] As there is no evidence of Galloway actually participating in a terrorist activity, complicity is the only basis upon which it can be asserted that he could fall within the scope of paragraph 34(1) (c) as “engaging in terrorism”, assuming that this extension of the complicity principle is warranted. Again, I think that it is overreaching on the facts of this case and the law to suggest that Galloway is complicit in the terrorist activities of Hamas.



[115] In Pushpanathan, above, before Justice Pierre Blais, as he then was, complicity was an issue because the Refugee Protection Division had found that the applicant was excluded from refugee protection because of his support for the terrorist activities of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The applicant had raised funds for the LTTE through narcotics trafficking. Justice Blais specifically found, at paragraph 48, that the applicant’s criminal activities demonstrated that he had a “personal knowing participation” and “shared a common purpose” with the LTTE. The evidence in this case falls far short of painting Galloway with the same brush.



[116] The authors of the assessment note that in Suresh v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration) (1997), 40 Imm. L.R. (2d) 247 at para. 22, rev’d in part on other grounds, 47 Imm. L.R. (2d) 1 (FCA), 229 N.R. 240, Justice Max Teitelbaum stated that, “membership cannot and should not be narrowly interpreted when it involves the issue of Canada's national security. Membership also does not only refer to persons who have engaged or who might engage in terrorist activities”.



[117] While this is an accurate reference to a portion of Justice Teitelbaum’s decision, it does not reflect the other factors which he took into account. Suresh had denied being a member of the LTTE because he had never taken an oath of commitment or loyalty towards Tamil Eelam. Justice Teitelbaum dismissed that claim as Suresh had been involved with the LTTE from an early age and had taken on increasingly greater responsibilities including raising funds, being part of the LTTE executive and heading a component part of the organization. There is no evidence of a comparable connection to the organization in this case.



[118] The phrase “member of an organization” is not defined in the statute. The courts have not given it a precise and exhaustive definition. It is well-established in the jurisprudence that the term is to be given an unrestricted and broad definition: Poshteh above at para. 27; Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration) v. Singh, (1998), 151 F.T.R. 101, 44 Imm. L.R. (2d) 309 at para. 52. But an unrestricted and broad definition is not a license to classify anyone who has had any dealings with a terrorist organization as a member of the group. Consideration has to be given to the facts of each case including any evidence pointing away from a finding of membership: Poshteh, at para. 38. I see no indication in the preliminary assessment that the authors gave any weight to factors other than the financial and other material which Galloway delivered to Hamas.



[119] It is worth noting that Suresh and several of the other cases cited by the CBSA authors in support of their assessment were cases in which national security concerns were invoked. From the evidence on the record, the question of Galloway’s admissibility was never an issue of national security. As indicated above, CSIS was consulted prior to the writing of the CBSA assessment and had no national security concerns about his visit. It is not clear whether the authors were aware of that fact. It is not reflected in the assessment and only came to light on production of the e-mail record.



[120] The assessment cites the decision of the Federal Court of Appeal in Harb v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2003 FCA 39, in support of a statement that “membership in an organization implies the existence of an institutional link between the organization and an individual, accompanied by more than a nominal involvement in the activities of the organization”. There is no discussion of whether Galloway had an institutional link with Hamas nor is there evidence that he had more than nominal involvement in their activities. In Harb, the Court declined to clarify what it had meant by the phrase “membership in a group” in an earlier complicity decision as each case turns on its facts and the degree of participation in the group’s activities. In this case, there was no evidence of participation beyond the aid convoy.



[121] The authors of the assessment take the following statement out of context from Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration) v. Hajialikhani, [1999] 1 F.C. 181 (“Hajialikhani”): “[t]here is no doubt that financing crimes makes one complicit therein”. Again, there is no evidence that Galloway was knowingly and purposefully financing crimes. The undisputed evidence is that he was donating humanitarian aid, albeit to make a political statement in addition to his altruistic purpose.



[122] Hajialikhani was another case of exclusion because of a long association with a terrorist organization. The quotation from the judgment is coupled in the assessment with the comment that: “Galloway’s open support for Hamas and its cause demonstrates that his support is more than nominal”. Apart from the lack of any connection to the point made in Hajialikhani, Hamas’ cause is not defined. It may be that the authors had in mind that Hamas’ cause was to defeat the blockade. They may have viewed Galloway’s opposition to the blockade as support for that cause. But that still does not make him complicit in any crimes Hamas has or will commit without evidence of support for that purpose.



[123] In their written representations, the respondents take the position that:

This Court, the Federal Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court of Canada have all confirmed that a person becomes a member of a terrorist organization within the meaning of ss. 34(1)(f) of IRPA, by donating financial and material support to a terrorist organization.

[Respondents’ Further Memorandum of Argument, para. 32]





[124] That is, I believe, an overstatement of the effect of the jurisprudence on this question. Counsel for the respondents fairly conceded in oral argument that donating financial and material support is but one factor that may assist in arriving at a determination that there are reasonable grounds to believe that a person is a member of a terrorist organization. This is borne out by an examination of cases cited by the respondent in support of this proposition, including Suresh, as discussed above.



[125] In Ugbazghi v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2008 FC 694, [2009] 1 F.C.R. 454, for example, the applicant had admitted to being a member of a group which supported the aims of the organization and had engaged in a series of activities over time such as attending meetings, making donations, distributing materials which encouraged others to join the armed struggle and/or to give donations. Similar facts appear in other cases cited by the respondents where the Court has upheld determinations of membership in a terrorist organization: Sepid v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2008 FC 907; Qureshi v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2009 FC 7.



[126] In a post-hearing communication from the respondent, my attention was drawn to the recent decision of my colleague Madam Justice Ann Mactavish in Farkhondehfall v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2010 FC 471 (“Farkhondehfall”). Counsel submits that this decision also holds that contributing money to a terrorist organization (in that case, the Mujahedin-e-Khalq or “MEK”) brings a person within the meaning of paragraph 34(1)(f) of IRPA.



[127] In Farkhondehfall, Justice Mactavish found that there was considerable evidence in the record to support the officer’s finding that the applicant was a member of MEK, including his attendance at meetings, selling books and making financial contributions. He was a long-term member of a MEK fund raising front organization in Iran and India and continued activities in support of MEK following his arrival in Canada. Thus, the financial contributions were just one of several factors pointing to membership.



[128] Evidence of financial or other forms of material support may well be sufficient in a particular case to provide reasonable grounds to believe that an individual is a member of a terrorist organization depending on the context and purpose for which the support is provided. An individual who knowingly delivers cash or goods to a group to assist in the commission of terrorist acts cannot avoid the label of membership in that group simply because he has never formally joined or put himself under the direction and control of its leaders. Membership may be found from the evidence as a whole, as was done in the cases cited above, including statements and actions that provide a basis from which to infer that the purpose of the contribution was to facilitate or to enable the terrorist objects of the organization. Purpose may be inferred where the donor has failed to provide a reasonable explanation for a contribution that points away from an intent to further terrorism.



[129] The intervenor submits that it is not reasonable to apply s. 34(1)(f) so broadly as to capture an individual’s mere association with an organization without some evidence of the individual’s participation in or propensity or likelihood to engage in acts of violence; citing the Supreme Court’s decision in Suresh, above, at paragraph 110 in support of this proposition.



[130] The Supreme Court’s comments in paragraph 110 arose in the context of a discussion of s. 19(1) of the former Immigration Act, the predecessor of s. 34. As described by the Court at paragraph 103 of the decision, s. 19(1) had another use under the former legislation. It was also referenced in s. 53(1), the deportation section, to define the class of Convention refugees who could be deported as a danger to the security of Canada. Given the legislative changes brought into effect with IRPA, I do not believe that the Court’s comments in paragraph 110 of Suresh stand for the proposition that an inadmissibility determination requires evidence of participation in or propensity to engage in acts of violence. It is sufficient if it can be established that the applicant knowingly supports the commission of acts of terrorism by the organization and does some act in furtherance of those objects.



Whether the impugned Ministerial decision and letter from the Immigration Program Manager are subject to judicial review



[131] The applicants’ argument, essentially, is that a reviewable decision was taken by the respondent ministers to bar Mr. Galloway entry to Canada and the decision was then confirmed by Mr. Orr’s letter of March 20, 2009. In their conception of the events, it is not relevant that the decision was not administratively enforced because Mr. Galloway did not appear at a Port of Entry and present himself for examination.



[132] As referenced above, on an application for judicial review, the Federal Court may, under paragraph 18.1(3)(b), declare invalid “a decision, order, act or proceeding of a federal board, commission or other tribunal”. The traditional view of this authority was that to be reviewable, the decision must be the final determination of the substantive question before the decision-maker: Mahabir v. Canada (Minister of Employment & Immigration), [1992] 1 F.C. 133 (C.A.) at para 10; Canada (Attorney General) v. Mossop, 1993 CanLII 164 (S.C.C.), [1993] 1 S.C.R. 554. Under that approach, the actions of the executive in this matter would not be reviewable as there was no final decision regarding Mr. Galloway’s admissibility. It remained open to him to make representations and to have a determination made by an officer at the border.



[133] More recently, it has been considered that the Court’s judicial review mandate extends to any decision that determines a party’s rights and to any matter for which a remedy might be available under section 18 or 18.1(3): Larny Holdings Ltd. v. Canada (Ministry of Health), [2003] 1 F.C. 541, 222 F.T.R. 29. The Court's jurisdiction extends beyond reviewing formal decisions and includes an act or proceeding that flows from a statutory power: Markevich v. Canada (T.D.), [1999] 3 F.C. 28 reversed on a unrelated issue, 2001 FCA 144 (“Markevich”); Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. v. Canada (Attorney General), 2004 FC 85.

[134] The applicants contend that it is clear on the evidence that direction had been given to border officials to find Mr. Galloway inadmissible and that the preliminary assessment had been prepared for that purpose. While border officials are theoretically decision makers, they are subject to Ministerial direction and would rely on the assessment prepared by specialists in carrying out their duties. Moreover, the officers are required under subsection 15(4) of the IRPA to conduct border examinations in accordance with any instructions that the Minister may give.



[135] The difficulty with the applicants’ position is that it is clear from the evidence that all of the efforts to keep Mr. Galloway out of Canada anticipated that the actual decision to bar him would have to be made by an immigration officer at a border post or airport. The meaning conveyed by Mr. Orr’s letter was that a decision regarding admissibility was yet to be made and would only be made in accordance with the statutory scheme if, and when, he presented himself for examination. This was Mr. Orr’s understanding of the legislative scheme and of the administrative process that would be followed. He held firm to that view under cross-examination.



[136] The Act requires, under Part 1, Division 1, that anyone seeking to enter Canada must first present himself or herself before an officer for examination. While Mr. Galloway, as a British citizen, did not require a visa to enter Canada, he remained subject to the examination requirements. In the normal course of events, that would have been satisfied by a brief exchange between Mr. Galloway and a CBSA officer at the border or an airport. Mr. Orr’s letter advised Mr. Galloway of the possibility that he might be found inadmissible if he presented himself for examination as required by the statute and if found inadmissible under s. 34 of the Act, the letter informed him that it was unlikely that ministerial discretion would be exercised in his favour to grant a TRP. As noted above, that message was also conveyed to the British press by Mr. Velshi.



[137] There is a body of jurisprudence in the Federal Courts that such “courtesy” or “informational” letters are not reviewable decisions, particularly when written by a person not authorized to make a decision: Demirtas v. Canada (Minister of Employment and Immigration) (C.A.), [1993] 1 F.C. 602, at para. 8; Nkumbi v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 160 F.T.R. 194, 50 Imm. L.R. (2d) 155 at paras. 37-40 (“Nkumbi”); Carvajal v. Canada (Minister of Employment and Immigration), 82 F.T.R. 241, 48 A.C.W.S. (3d) 787 at para. 4 (“Carvajal”).



[138] In Nkumbi, for example, the applicant sought judicial review of an immigration counsellor’s letter explaining that she could not make a new claim for refugee status as a departure order had been made against her. Mr. Justice Blais, as he then was, held that this information letter was not reviewable as the officer had not made the departure order and was not empowered to deny the claim. In Carvajal, the immigration officer had written to the applicants to remind them that they were ineligible for permanent residency status because of an earlier determination for which they had not sought judicial review. Mr. Justice McKeown relied, in part, in dismissing the application on the fact that the officer communicating the information was not empowered under the legislation to make the decision which the applicants wished to challenge. Similarly, in this case, Mr. Orr was not in a position to examine Mr. Galloway for admissibility at a Canadian port of entry.



[139] There are undoubtedly circumstances in which a letter is evidence of a decision taken by a person or body authorized to make the decision. The decision will be judicially reviewable even if it flows from the actions of the individual and not from the actions of the deciding person or body. In Bouchard v. Canada (Minister of National Defence), 187 D.L.R. (4th) 314, 255 N.R. 183, for example, a letter advising the applicant that she could not be reinstated to her position after she had voluntarily resigned evidenced a reviewable decision.



[140] In Markevich, above, the applicant had been sent a letter by Revenue Canada advising him that he owed an amount in unpaid taxes that had previously been deemed uncollectable. The Court held that the letter constituted an administrative action by a person having statutory powers and who had determined to use them. It was, therefore, a reviewable “act or proceeding”. In the context of this case, the analogy would be that Mr. Orr’s letter constituted a reviewable act as it conveyed an intent to employ the statutory powers. The difficulty with the analogy is that the evidence is that Mr. Orr had no intention to exercise the relevant powers and was not in a position to do so as he would not be the examining officer.



[141] The information conveyed in Mr. Orr’s letter put Mr. Galloway on notice but did not affect his rights or carry legal consequences. Only a decision having those effects would be amenable to judicial review: Democracy Watch v. Canada (Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner), 2009 FCA 15 at paras. 9-10; Pieters v. Canada (Attorney General), 2007 FC 556 at para. 60.



[142] The applicants’ submit that the letter is reflective of a decision that had already been taken at the highest levels of government to exclude Mr. Galloway. There is support in the record for that proposition, such as in Mr. Velshi’s statements to the press and Mr. Orr’s e-mails of March 19 and 20 to Mr. Wright. It is also clear that the preliminary assessment was prepared with the intention that it be used to justify a CBSA officer’s determination that Mr. Galloway was inadmissible should he appear at the border. Nonetheless, the decision was inchoate or incomplete until it was acted upon, which in this case did not occur. Nor was any action taken to confirm the statements that a TRP would not be granted as none was requested.



[143] While CBSA border officials had been alerted to Mr. Galloway's possible arrival at the land border with the United States, or by air to Pearson airport, and had been apprised of the preliminary assessment by NSCS officials, the occasion did not arise for any final determination to be made by a CBSA officer regarding Mr. Galloway's admissibility.



[144] This Court has held that advance indications of a future ministerial position are not subject to judicial review: Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. v. Canada (Minister of National Revenue), 148 F.T.R. 3, [1998] 2 C.T.C. 176 at para. 28. The Ministers’ position that no TRP would be granted conveyed by Mr. Orr’s e-mails or Mr. Velshi’ statements to the press did not have the legal effect of settling the matter of Mr. Galloway’s entitlement to a TRP as he had not requested one.



[145] I agree with respondents’ counsel assessment that Mr. Velshi’s comments to the press were no more than “unfortunate expressions of opinion”. They were not made by a “federal board, commission or other tribunal” empowered to exercise statutory authority and must be read in the context provided by the legislative scheme. While one might hope that a ministerial aide would exercise greater restraint in purporting to speak on behalf of the government, his comments to the press amount to little more than posturing. As the Federal Court of Appeal has held, such remarks may be construed as nothing more than an excess of confidence in the strength of the case: Mohammad v. Canada (Minister of Employment and Immigration) (C.A.), [1989] 2 F.C. 363 at para. 31. Here, there appears also to have been an intent to gain some political advantage from publicly condemning Galloway. In any event, the remarks had no direct effect on the question of Galloway’s admissibility as he did not attempt to enter Canada.



[146] The applicants have suggested in post-hearing correspondence that the recent decision of my colleague, Mr. Justice Russel Zinn in Khadr v. Canada (Prime Minister), 2010 FC 715, may have a bearing on this case (“Khadr”). In Khadr, the applicant had relied on statements by a Minister and the Prime Minister’s communications assistant to the media on two occasions as evidence that a decision affecting his interests had been made. Mr. Justice Zinn held that the comments reflected the decision that had been taken by the executive regarding the remedy they would provide the applicant in response to a decision by the Supreme Court of Canada. Such decision was judicially reviewable as it affected the applicant’s established right as a citizen to enjoy the protection of his country.



[147] I agree with the respondents that Khadr is not helpful in the present matter. There was no evidence in that case to call into question the applicant’s claim that the public statements demonstrated that a decision had been made at the highest levels of the government, as it was obliged to do. In the present case, there is the evidence of Mr. Sauvé and Mr. Orr that a visa officer had not found Mr. Galloway inadmissible and the structure of the legislative scheme is incompatible with a finding to the contrary.



[148] Had Galloway actually been found inadmissible by a visa officer relying on the preliminary assessment and the alerts sent to the border points, I would have had little difficulty in concluding that the officer’s discretion had been fettered by the process followed in this case and that the e-mails and statements to the press raised a reasonable apprehension of bias.



[149] In the absence of such evidence, I find that there was no legally reviewable decision to bar Mr. Galloway from Canada and that this application must be dismissed.



Proposed questions for certification



[150] The parties were given an opportunity to propose questions for certification. As set out in paragraph 74(d) of the IRPA and Rule 18(1) of the Federal Courts Immigration and Refugee Protection Rules, as amended, there can be no appeal of this decision if the Court does not certify a question.



[151] In Kunkel v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2009 FCA 347 at para. 9, the Federal Court of Appeal held that a certified question must lend itself to a generic approach leading to an answer of general application. That is, the question must transcend the particular context in which it arose.



[152] The respondents submitted the following proposed questions for consideration:

a. Can giving a voluntary and significant cash donation to an entity listed as “terrorist” pursuant to Canada’s Criminal Code, make the donor inadmissible on security grounds under s. 34(1)(f) of IRPA?



b. Do the fundamental freedoms of expression and association guaranteed to everyone in Canada pursuant to section 2 (b) and (d) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, require Canada to admit a person who is inadmissible under IRPA, if people in Canada wish to meet him?



c. With respect to a visa-exempt, foreign national who indicates a future intention to visit Canada, is a “preliminary assessment” of admissibility, a “decision or order” properly subject to judicial review in the Federal Court pursuant to section 18.1 of the Federal Courts Act?





[153] The applicants do not agree that the questions posed above by the respondents raise serious issues of general importance or are appropriate on the facts before the Court.



[154] The applicants submit the following alternative questions which they say are serious and are of general importance:

a. Can the concept of “member” in a terrorist organization, in s. 34(1)(f) of the IRPA, extend to a person who, on behalf of the other individuals, organizations and himself, in response to an egregious humanitarian crisis, provide humanitarian assistance to civilians through their democratically elected government, the governing party of which, is listed by Canada as a terrorist organization under the ATA?



b. When a person has engaged in expression and association outside of Canada, of a nature which would be recognized as protected if it had occurred in Canada, can the exercise of these freedoms form the basis for a finding of inadmissibility under Canadian law, in this case s. 34(1)(f) of IRPA?







[155] While the applicants maintain that a “decision” has effectively been made in respect of Mr. Galloway’s admissibility to Canada, in the alternative, should the Court conclude that the information imparted to Mr. Galloway and to the international press did not constitute a decision, the applicants would pose two further questions.



3. Does the Federal Court have jurisdiction to review a “matter”, as contemplated under s. 18.1(1) of the FCA or an “act” as contemplated under s. 18.1(3) of the FCA, where the ‘matter’ or ‘act’ impacts on the rights of Canadians in the same way as in Markevich v. Canada (T.D.) [1999] 3 F.C. 28, overturned on appeal on a different issue in Markevich v. Canada, 2001 FCA 144?



4. Does the Federal Court have jurisdiction under s. 18.1(1) of the FCA to review a predetermination by the Minister of CIC and CBSA of inadmissibility to Canada of a foreign national, in the form of a preliminary assessment which has been made and communicated to the foreign national (and publicly)?





[156] The intervenor took no position with respect to the appropriateness of either the respondents’ or the applicants’ proposed questions and requested consideration of the following questions:

a. Does the term “member of an organization” under section 34(1)(f) of IRPA encompass giving a donation to civilians for humanitarian purposes through a democratically-elected government, the governing party of which is listed by Canada as a terrorist group or organization?



b. When making decisions on inadmissibility and exercising discretion under section 34 of IRPA is the Government required to balance security interests with the interests of freedom of expression and association under sections 2(b) and 2(d) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in circumstances where people in Canada wish to associate with or hear from a foreign national or permanent resident seeking admission to Canada.



[157] Having considered the questions proposed by the parties and the intervenor, I consider that the following questions transcend the particular context in which this application arose and are serious questions of general importance which would be dispositive of an appeal:

a. With respect to a visa-exempt foreign national who indicates a future intention to visit Canada, is a “preliminary assessment” of inadmissibility a decision, order, act or proceeding properly subject to judicial review in the Federal Court pursuant to section 18.1 of the Federal Courts Act?



b. Does a voluntary contribution of cash and goods to an organization listed as a “terrorist entity” pursuant to the Criminal Code, without other acts or indicia of membership, constitute reasonable grounds to believe that the donor has engaged in terrorist acts or is a member of a terrorist organization so as to make the donor inadmissible on security grounds under s. 34(1)(c) or (f) of IRPA?







JUDGMENT



IT IS THE JUDGMENT OF THIS COURT that the application is dismissed. The following questions are certified:



1. With respect to a visa-exempt, foreign national who indicates a future intention to visit Canada, is a “preliminary assessment” of inadmissibility a decision, order, act or proceeding properly subject to judicial review in the Federal Court pursuant to section 18.1 of the Federal Courts Act?



2. Does a voluntary contribution of cash and goods to an organization listed as a “terrorist entity” pursuant to the Criminal Code, without other acts or indicia of membership, constitute reasonable grounds to believe that the donor has engaged in terrorist acts or is a member of a terrorist organization so as to make the donor inadmissible on security grounds under s. 34(1)(c) or (f) of IRPA?





“Richard G. Mosley”

Judge

FEDERAL COURT



SOLICITORS OF RECORD





DOCKET: IMM-1474-09



STYLE OF CAUSE: THE TORONTO COALITION TO STOP THE WAR,

THE OTTAWA PEACE ASSEMBLY,

THE SOLIDARITY FOR PALESTINIAN HUMAN RIGHTS,

GEORGE GALLOWAY, JAMES CLARKE,

YAVAR HAMEED, HAMID OSMAN, KRISNA SARAVANAMUTTU, CHARLOTTE IRELAND,

SID LACOMBE, JUDITH DEUTSCH, JOEL HARDEN, DENIS LEMELIN, and LORRAINE GUAY



and



THE MINISTER OF PUBLIC SAFETY

AND EMERGENCY PREPAREDNESS



and



THE MINISTER OF CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION



And



THE CANADIAN CIVIL LIBERTIES ASSOCIATION



PLACE OF HEARING: Toronto, Ontario



DATE OF HEARING: April 26 to 28, 2010



REASONS FOR JUDGMENT

AND JUDGMENT: MOSLEY J.



DATED: September 27, 2010







APPEARANCES:



Barbara Jackman

Hadayt Nazami




FOR THE APPLICANTS

Marie-Louise Wcislo

Kristina Dragaitis

Hillary Stephenson

Neal Samson




FOR THE RESPONDENTS

Sonia Bjorkquist

Jason MacLean


FOR THE INTERVENOR

The Canadian Civil Liberties Association



SOLICITORS OF RECORD:



BARBARA JACKMAN

HADAYT NAZAMI

Jackman & Associates

Toronto, Ontario




FOR THE APPLICANTS

MYLES J. KIRVAN

Deputy Attorney General of Canada

Toronto, Ontario




FOR THE RESPONDENTS

SONIA BJORKQUIST

JASON MACLEAN

Osler, Hoskin & Harcourt LLP

Toronto, Ontario


FOR THE INTERVENOR

The Canadian Civil Liberties Association